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obliged to send deputies every year to offer their firstfruits as sacrifices to the guardian deities of the mothercountry. Their officiating priests were to be chosen from the metropolis. In the distribution of victims, if citizens of the metropolis happened to be present it was customary to accord them the first place, as was also the case in the public games, assemblies, and solemnities. With regard to the alienation of the Corcyraeans from their mother-city, Corinth, Thucydides states that in their common festivals they did not permit the Corinthians to enjoy the customary privileges of founders, -ούτε γαρ εν πανηγύρεσι ταις κοιναΐς διδόντες γέρα τα νομιζόμενα, and at their sacrifices denied to a Corinthian the right of receiving first the lock of hair cut from the victim's head, -an honour usually granted by colonies to a representative of the mother-country. Further, the colonies were expected to decorate the temples of the metropolis with gifts, with a portion of the booty captured from the enemy, with trophies, statues, and other ornaments. The various religious ties continued to be very powerful till the fifth century B.c.; and so, in some instances, on the other hand, the political relations were to a large extent neglected, as in the case of Corinth ;-thus Potidaea, originally a Corinthian colony, was in 432 B.C. the tributary ally of Athens.5

As to non-religious rights and obligations, these relationships do not appear to have been for any length of time clearly defined, or firmly established ; and, for the most part, they were dependent more on fact and custom than on deliberate provisions of positive law. Generally speaking, however, in return for the protection and assistance in war afforded to the colonies by the metropolis, it was incumbent upon them, by virtue of a reciprocal obligation, to send such help in her own

Non-religious rights and duties.

1 Schol. ad Thục. i. 25.

2 Thục. i. 25.

8 Ibid. 4 Liv. xli. 20; Plin. xxxvi. 6 ; Sueton. Aug. 69 ; Pausan. i. 13. 5 Thục. i. 36.

wars as was proportionate to their wealth and capacity." Thus Potidaea, a town in Macedonia, being a colony of Corinth, the Potidaeans assisted the Corinthians at Plataea. To adduce an example of a different kind from the Homeric narrative—which indicates at least the inveterate recognition of the principle—it may be recollected that Ajax, the son of Telamon, the sovereign of Salamis (which had been colonized by the Aeacidae of Aegina) assisted the Greeks with twelve ships in the Trojan war. Again, the inhabitants of Leontini (founded by the Chalcidians of Naxos) aided the Naxians when besieged by the Messenians, 425 B.c.4 The Lacedaemonians came to the assistance of the Dorians, 457 B.C., when the latter were assailed by the Phocians. In 426 B.C. the Lacedaemonians founded the colony of Heraclea, in order to help their mother-state, Doris. Similar obligations were laid on the sister-colonies to An act of help each other. It was esteemed an act of gross impiety for colonists to bear arms against their founders, or for the founders to bear arms against their colonies. 8 In a projected expedition of Cambyses against Carthage, the Phoenicians refused to obey his command, on the ground that they were bound by solemn oaths, and that it would be an impious act if they engaged in hostilities against their own descendants. Again, Herodotus states that Themistocles, wishing to gain over the Ionians, caused inscriptions to be engraved on stones which might arrest their attention, and remind them of their natural duty. The first portion was to this effect : 'Men of lonia, you do wrong in fighting against your fathers, and helping to enslave Greece ; rather, therefore, come over to us; or, if you

impiety to take up arms.

1 Cf. Thuc. i. 107 ; iii. 34. 2 Herodot, ix, 28.

3 Iliad, ii. 557.

4 Thục. iv. 25: 5 Thục. i. IO7.

8 Thục. iii. 92.

7Thục. vii. 6. 8 Herodot. iii. 19 ; viii. 22 ; cf. Thuc. v. Io6.

9 Herodot. iii. 19: Φοίνικες δε ουκ έφασαν ποιήσειν ταύτα ορκίοισί τε γαρ μεγάλοισι ενδεδέσθαι, και ουκ άν ποιέειν όσια επί τους παίδας τους έωϋτων στρατευόμενοι.

not to interfere

affairs of its colonies,

cannot do that, withdraw your forces from the contest, and entreat the Carians to do likewise.'1 The Corinthian ambassadors, who were sent to Athens to oppose the request for assistance made by their colonists, the Corcyraeans, 433 B.C., admitted that it was undoubtedly an extraordinary proceeding for Corinth to make war on Corcyra; but they defended the act on the ground of the

unparalleled injury inflicted upon them by the latter.2 The metropolis The metropolis was not entitled to interfere in the in political political affairs of its colonies; an undue encroachment

in this respect was usually held to be a dissolution ipso facto of the existing bonds. Thus, when the Corinthian and Corcyraean embassies met in Athens (434-433 B.c.)—the latter to solicit an alliance, the former to prevent it—the Corcyraean representatives, in the course of their address to the Athenians, said : “If they say we are their colony, and that therefore you have no right to receive us, they should be made to understand that all colonies honour their mother-city when she treats them well, but are estranged from her by injustice. For colonists are not meant to be the servants but the equals of those who remain at home. And the injustice of their conduct to us is manifest; for we proposed an arbitration in the matter of Epidamnus, but they insisted on prosecuting their quarrel by arms, and would not hear of a legal trial.

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1 viii. 22 : "Ανδρες "Ιωνες, ου ποιέετε δίκαια επι τους πατέρας στρατευόμενοι, και την Ελλάδα καταδoυλoύμενοι. αλλά μάλιστα μεν προς ημέων γίνεσθε ει δε υμίν έστι τούτο μή δυνατόν ποιήσαι, υμέες δε έτι και νυν εκ του μέσου ημίν έζεσθε και αυτοί, και των Καρών δέεσθε τα αυτά υμίν ποιέειν.

2 Τhuc. i. 38: και δήλον ότι εί τους πλέοσιν αρέσκοντές εσμεν, τοίσδ' άν μόνοις ουκ ορθώς απαρέσκοιμεν, ουδ' επιστρατεύομεν εκπρεπώς, μη και διαφερόντως τι αδικούμενοι.-Cf. Herodot. iii. 49.

8 Τhuc. i. 34 : ήν δε λέγωσιν ως ου δίκαιον τους σφετέρους αποίκους υμάς δέχεσθαι, μαθέτωσαν ως πασα αποικία εύ μεν πάσχουσα τιμα την μητρόπολιν, αδικουμένη δε αλλοτριούται: ου γαρ επί το δούλοι αλλ' επί το ομοίοι τους λειπομένοις είναι εκπέμπονται. ώς δε ήδίκους, σαφές εστι προκληθέντες γαρ περί Επιδάμνου ές κρίσιν, πολέμω μάλλον ή τω ισω εβoυλήθησαν τα εγκλήματα μετελθείν.

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of a virtual

colony seeking to establish a settlement of its own was Certain rights obliged to choose a leader (oiklotis) from its parent mother-state. State. Thus the colony of Epidamnus was founded by Corcyraeans, under the leadership of a Corinthian, who was invited, according to ancient custom, from the metropolis,-... οικιστής ... Κορίνθιος ... κατά δή τον παλαιον νόμον εκ της μητροπόλεως κατακληθείς.2 The metropolis, again, frequently sent governors to the colonies, and sometimes also generals. In reference to the failure of the new Spartan colony, Heraclea, Thucydides says that one of the main causes of the ruin and depopulation of the place was the conduct of the governors, apxovtes, sent out from Lacedaemon, who frightened the people away by their severe and often unjust administration. Finally, the mother-states enjoyed hospitality in the colonies, could contract valid marriages with the inhabitants, and own land there ; and, in certain cases, they also possessed special privileges.

Thus it is seen that there existed a virtual alliance Relationships between the mother-country and her colonies,—an alliance. alliance, moreover, based on considerations of sentiment and filial piety, reinforced by the religious sanction, rather than resting on any express compact. And such a union was by no means of a precarious nature. In fact, on several occasions it was found strong enough to supersede treaties concluded with foreign communities, and to impel the colonists to abandon their allies in favour of their own metropolis. An example of this is the exhortation of Themistocles to the Ionians, as referred to above.

And Thucydides recounting the various causes of the quarrel between the Athenians and the Peloponnesians, mentions that Potidaea, which was originally a Corinthian colony, but in 432 B.C. the tributary and ally of Athens, revolted from the latter.5 Similarly, the Mytileneans of Lesbos repudiated their

i Thuc. i. 24 ; cf. vi. 3, 4, in reference to numerous Hellenic colonies. 8 Thục. iii. 93.

4 Ibid. * Thục. i. 56 ; i. 6o.

2 Thuc. i. 24.

3

4

Roman colonies.

alliance with Athens in order to join the Peloponnesian league ; and the envoys from Mytilene, at the council of the Peloponnesian allies held at Olympia, 428 B.C., drew a distinction between their former relationship to Athens and the more fundamental one of kinship.' As a French writer says: “... Il

“... Il y avoit entre les métropoles et les villes qu'elles avoient fondées une alliance naturelle qui subsistoit réellement sans avoir besoin d'être marquée par aucun traité positif. Cette union étoit si forte qu'elle passoit par dessus tous les traités faits avec des étrangers." ?

The question of Roman colonies3 need scarcely occupy our attention here, as their position with regard to Rome was, from an interstatal point of view, different from that of the Greek colonies with respect to their metropolis.

There was a certain form of colonization amongst the most ancient communities in Italy. From time to time they sent out their superfluous male population to seek new homes.4 Colonies were established by Rome for the purpose of holding in check a conquered nation, and for preventing hostile incursions, as, for example, in the case of the colonies of Narnia, Minturnae, and Sinuessa, Cremona, and Placentia. Hence, we find Cicero designating them ‘propugnacula imperii,' the bulwarks of empire. Other reasons for Roman colonization were the desire to increase the population,

'8

1 Thục. iii. 9. 2 Bougainville, op. cit. p. 73.

8 Cf. J. N. Madvig, De coloniarum pop. Rom. jure et condicione (1832); Dumont, Des colonies romaines (in Annales des Universités de Belgique, Bruxelles, 1843, pp. 557 seq.); N. D. Fustel de Coulanges, Le colonat romain (in Recherches sur quelques problèmes d'histoire, Paris, 1885, pp. 1-186); Smith's Dict. of Antiq. s.v. Colonia; Dar.-Sag. s.o. Colonia ; Pauly's Real-Encyclop. s.v. Coloniae. 4 Dion. Hal. i. 16.

5 Liv. X. 1o. 6 Liv. X. 21.

7 Liv. xxvii. 46. 8 Cic. De leg. agr. ii. 27,73.-Cf, his similar description (Pro Font. i. 13) of Narbo Martius, situated in the province of Gallia : “Colonia nostrorum civium, specula populi Romani et propugnaculum."

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