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had sentenced them to imprisonment for the term of
one hour, and to wait for their money till such time as
I should further decree, which I begged to assure them
would not be until I might find it perfectly convenient
to myself to pay them; and I wound up by telling them
to make themselves quite at home, entreating them not
to fatigue themselves by trying to get out, for that they
had not a chance of succeeding; inquiring whether they
had any commands for London, and wishing them a
And
very affectionate farewell for some time to come.
then down I ran, leaving them roaring and bellowing
like so many mad bulls,-got to the office just in time,
and tipping the coachman, drove three parts of the way
to town, feeling as jolly as if I had won a thousand
pounds on the Derby."

"And what became of the locked-up tradesmen?" inquired I.

"Oh! why they stayed there above two hours before anybody let them out, amusing themselves by smashing the windows, breaking the furniture to pieces, (one of them was an upholsterer, and had an eye to business, I dare say,) and kicking all the paint off the doorHowever, I have written to Skulker, to get it all set to rights, and send me the bill, so no harm's done, it will teach those fellows a lesson they won't forget in a hurry, and the next time they wish to bully a Cantab, they'll recollect my little matinée musicale,' as I call it. Oh they made a sweet row, I can assure you, Sir."

The chestnuts trotted merrily on their homeward journey, and the noble oaks of Heathfield Park, their leafless branches pointing like giant arms to the cold blue sky above them, soon came in sight.

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'You are a great deal too early for dinner, Lawless," said I, as we drove up; suppose you walk down to our cottage, and let me introduce you to my mother and sister; you'll find Oaklands there, most likely, for he talked of going to play chess."

"Eh! your mother and sister! by Jove I never thought of them; I declare I had forgotten there were any ladies in the case-I can't go near them in this pickle, I'm all over mud and pheasant feathers, they'll take me for a native of the Sandwich Islands, one of the boys that ate Captain Cook,-precious tough work it must have been, too, for he was no chicken; I wonder how they trussed him-No! I'll make myself a little more like a christian, and then I'll come down and be introduced to them if its necessary, but I shall not be able to say half-a-dozen words to them: it's a fact, I never can talk to a woman, except that girl at old Coleman's hop, Di Clapperton; she went the pace with me, no end. By the way, how's the other young woman, Miss Clara Sav--."

"If you really want to dress before you come to the cottage," interrupted I hastily, "you have no time to lose."

"Hav'nt I? off we go then," cried my companion; "here, you lazy young imp," he continued, seizing Shrimp by the collar of his coat, and dropping him to the ground, as one would a kitten, "find my room, and get out my things directly-brush along."

So saying, he sprang from the phaeton, and rushed into the hall, pushing Shrimp before him, to the utter consternation of the dignified old butler, who, accustomed to the graceful indolence which characterised his young master's every movement, was quite unprepared for such an energetic mode of proceeding. Forgetting that politeness required me to wait for my companion, I threw the reins to a groom, and started off at a quick pace in the direction of the cottage.

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Lawless's concluding words had aroused a train of thought sufficiently interesting to banish every other recollection. Sweet Clara! it was quite a month since I had parted from her, but the soft tones of her silvery voice still lingered on my ear.-the trustful expression of her bright eyes-the appealing sadness of that mournful smile, more touching in its quiet melancholy

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than many a deeper sign of woe, still presented them-
selves to my imagination with a vividness which was
almost painful. I had received a note from her about
a week before, in which she told me that Cumberland
had been absent from the Priory for some days, and
as long as this was the case, she was comparatively free
from annoyance, but that Mr. Vernon's mind was
evidently as much set upon the match as ever; nothing,
however, she assured me, should induce her to consent,
for much as she had always disliked the scheme,
she now felt that death were far preferable to a union
with a man she despised; and she ended by saying,
that whenever she felt inclined to give way to despair,
the remembrance of my affection came across her like
a sunbeam, and rendered her happy even in the midst
of her distress.-Oh! what would I not have given, to
have possessed the dear privilege of consoling her, to
have told her that she had nothing to fear, that my love
should surround and protect her, and that under the
hallowing influence of sympathy our happiness for the
future would be increased twofold, while sorrow shared
between us would be deprived of half its bitterness,--in
fact, long before I arrived at the cottage I had worked
myself up into a great state of excitement, and had
originated more romantic nonsense than is promulgated
in a "seminary for young ladies," in the interval between
the time when the French teacher has put out the
candle, and the fair pupils have talked themselves to
sleep, which if report does not belie them, is not until
they have forfeited all chance of adding to their
attractions by getting a little beauty-sleep before twelve
o'clock.

"Ah, Frank! back already! what have you done with Lawless?" exclaimed Oaklands, raising his eyes from the chessboard as I entered our little drawingroom.

"He will be here shortly," replied I, "but he positively refused to face the ladies till he had changed his shooting costume, so I left him up at the Hall to adonize; but how goes the game? who is winning?"

"As was certain to be the case, I am losing," answered Fanny.

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Well, I won't disturb you," returned I, "and perhaps you will have finished before Lawless makes his appearance; where is my mother, by the bye?"

"She only left the room just as you returned," replied Fanny quickly, "she has been sitting here ever since Mr. Oaklands came."

"I do not wish to know where she has been, but where she is," rejoined I, "I want to tell her that Lawless is coming to be introduced to her;-is she up-stairs?"

"I believe she is," was the reply, "but you will only worry her if you disturb her; mamma particularly dislikes being hunted about, you know; you had better sit still, and she will be down again in a few minutes."

"There is no such thing as free will in this world, I believe," exclaimed I, throwing myself back in an easy chair; "however, as you do not very often play the tyrant, you shall have your own way this time. Harry, the chestnuts did their work to admiration, Lawless was delighted with them, and talked of nothing else half the way home."

"I don't doubt it-your queen's in danger, Fanny," was the answer.

Seeing that my companions appeared entirely engrossed by their game, I occupied myself with a book till I heard the ominous sounds, "Check! excuse me, the knight commands that square; you have but one "Who has won? though I need move-checkmate!" not ask. How dare you beat my sister, master Harry?" "I had some trouble in doing it, I can tell you," replied Oaklands, then turning to Fanny he continued, "had you but moved differently when I castled my king to get out of your way, the game would have been entirely in your own hands, for I was so stupid, that up to that moment I never perceived the attack you were making upon me."

"Really I don't think I had a chance of beating you;, the visible glow of the breath, realizing in itself, as it Frank must take you in hand next, he is a much better player than I am.”

"Indeed I am not going to be handed over to Frank, or any one else, in that summary way, I can assure you; I intend to have another game of chess with you tomorrow, after we come in from our ride.-I forgot to tell you that Harris says the little grey Arab carries a lady beautifully-however, I left orders for one of the boys to exercise her well this afternoon, with a sidesaddle and a horse-cloth, to enact the part of a lady. At what hour shall we ride to-morrow? it is generally fine before luncheon at this time of year, I think." "Oh! you are very kind," replied Fanny, hurriedly, "but I am afraid I cannot ride to-morrow."

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settled on the hair and clothing, the beautiful phenomenon which envelop the trees and shrubs, create sensations which such a moment alone can produce. It was on such a morning, with the sun shining brightly as in midsummer, but clear and cold, that I left St. Petersburg with a few friends, with the intention of 'skaiting down to Cronstadt. The frozen surface of the Neva was passable by carriages, and the ice on the Gulf of Finland was said to extend unbroken for ninety miles; thus we apprehended no danger, and started on our expedition in the highest spirits. The ice on the Neva, and at its mouth, where it expands as it enters the Gulf, is not formed in an uniform surface by the action of the frost, but is rough, and piled up by being

Why not? what are you going to do?" inquired Oak-composed of the vast masses, which floating from the lands.

"I am not going to do anything particularly," returned Fanny, hesitating, "but I don't know whether my habit is in wearable order, and well I will talk to mamma about it-by the bye, I really must go and see what has become of her all this time," she continued, rising to leave the apartment.

"I thought there was nothing my mother disliked so much as being hunted about," rejoined I; "I wonder you can think of disturbing her."

A playful shake of the head was her only reply, and she quitted the room.

AN ADVENTURE IN THE GULF OF FINLAND. MIDWINTER in the higher latitudes has not only its beauties but its enjoyments, and certainly, in many particulars, a residence in the north of Europe during that season is infinitely more agreeable than in the more southern parts, where rain, wind, damp and fog constitute so great a portion of the winter months. Cold, however intense, when unaccompanied with wind, is far more bearable than a higher temperature with a searching blast, penetrating to the very bones, and the humid air which hangs heavily around. Within doors in the north the whole house is warmed to an agreeable and even temperature, and the inclemency without is defied, but here we find drafts assailing us from every crevice, ill-constructed fire-places which convey no warmth to the rooms, and sleeping rooms which make bed a penance and rising an ordeal, and to say nothing of the injury of those chilly chambers to the health.

We occasionally, but not often, see in miniature some of the glorious winter days of the north, which exhilarate the spirits, brace the nerves, and fill us with enjoyment. A bright sun tinges the whitened surface of the ground with a thousand prismatic colours, sparkling and glittering like the jewelled gardens of the fabled east; the window panes, as if touched by the wand of enchant ment, exhibit in a thousand different devices of the most delicate tracery the graceful foliage and vegetation of the tropics, imprinted by the power whose breath would blight and destroy the beautiful realities in nature, while here it brings new wonders to our view. The heretofore dark and barren-looking trees, naked and harsh in their outlines, glance in the sun with every minute spray and shoot, silvered over with the most exquisite frost-work. Every thing is bright and cheerful the fresh snow, crisped with the severe frost, lies on the ground, glittering radiantly like silver sand, piled sometimes in tiny waves, like the sea shore when the rippling waters of the ebb tide have left it dry, and sometimes heaped in drift beneath the hedges in wreaths and billows arched as if prone to fall, but arrested in their course. The stillness of the air, the absence of all sound, the noiseless tread of the feet, and

Ladoga lake become arrested by some turn or angle in the shores, and packing together remain firmly united, leaving at intervals little pools, or open places, which freeze subsequently with a smooth transparent face. Among these obstructions it is necessary to pick the way, and select the most favourable course.

For several miles we careered gaily along, and already the distance, and the grey neutral tint with which extreme frost envelops remote objects had dimmed the glittering steeples of the city behind us, when a catastrophe occurred, which mercifully was not fatal in its effects.

We had passed over so many of these transparent frozen pools that we had no misgivings as to the treachery of their surface, but rather sought them out as affording the clearest field for our progress. One of larger extent than usual lay in my path, and I dashed fearlessly on it, but I felt the ice bend beneath me, and long star-like cracks, splitting with a sharp report, marked my progress. I perceived my danger, and endeavoured to propel myself without striking out or but my precautions were fruitless. The ice was giving allowing my weight to become stationary for a moment, way beneath me, and I immediately threw myself flat on my face, hoping that by distributing my weight over the surface I might yet save myself; such was not, however, my good fortune, for after bearing me up for an instant, it gave way on all sides, and I was floating The intense cold cut me through the middle as with a in the water entangled with the broken fragments. knife, depriving me of breath, but there was not a moment to lose. I saw my companions tie their handkerchiefs together, and endeavour to slide them to me with a stick, but I felt that the attempt was hopeless, and that my safety must be gained by my own exertions. I was collected enough to know that I must face the stream to avoid being sucked under the ice, so I struck the ice with my hands, which broke and splintered out with my feet to swim, and clutched the margin of before me as I bore upon it, cutting and tearing them most severely, a circumstance which I was not aware of till afterwards. At last, after the most violent and exhausting exertions, I succeeded in reaching the thick and solid body of the ice, and with the assistance of my companions gained its surface. The thermometer stood at twelve degrees below zero, and in a moment my wet garments encased me as if in armour. We were far from the shore, and farther from any human dwelling, and thus, as assistance was out of the question, there was nothing left but to hasten homewards with all possible speed. A few gymnastic-like movements of the limbs restored the clothing around the joints to a more supple state, so that I was able to move without difficulty, and the natural warmth of the body returned by the exertion of skaiting. I soon reached my home, thankful indeed for my preservation, and not the less so that I did not even suffer the inconvenience of a cold.

E. P. T.

READINGS IN HISTORY.

THE COURT OF STAR CHAMBER.

It has been observed that the tide of research in the present day flows towards the investigation of mediaval history and customs; and some of the brightest names of our literature have stirred the waters of early English history, laying open many a time-fostered prejudice, and bringing forth from the dark mud of party misrepresentation many a bright gem of neglected fact. It is well occasionally to look back to the times in which the foundations were laid, or the superstructure raised of our present state: to endeavour to understand, not merely how the passions of men worked upon the unceasing stream of events, but how that stream also fashioned forth the men who were to control and direct its force. Thus, also, with our laws. They were framed not only in furtherance of the views of their makers, but in accordance with the spirit of the age; it is not the laws which have made the people, but the people who have made the laws, or at least the necessity for them. We have been struck with this while studying that period of our history in which the government first took the semblance of an hereditary monarchy; for till Henry VII. laid the foundation of the Tudor power, our sovereigns were in truth elective; and even at the death of Edward VI. the ambitious Northumberland was undecided to which of the royal heiresses he should present the crown of England. The pretensions of Henry could not be legal, on account of the illegitimacy of his grandfather, John Beaufort, Duke of Somerset: and though his own instruments claim an hereditary right, the Act of his parliament ordaining "that the inheritance of the crowns of England and France, and all dominions appertaining to them, should remain in Henry VII. and the heirs of his body for ever," merely asserted that right for the future; it did not claim it for the past; seeming rather intended to create a parliamentary gift of the crown, and place Henry as the revolutionary founder of a new dynasty.

The period from Henry VII. to James I. forms, perhaps, the most suggestive portion of our history; the seed was sown, and was then beginning to spring, which afterwards shed so baleful a poison over the land: in the selfish rapacity of Henry we behold the germ of his son's tyranny, whence grew the bright flower of Protestantism in England; and in the venal corruption of his court we see the gathering clouds of that tempest which broke upon the unhappy Charles I. When Henry planted his blood-soiled foot upon the throne of England, the kingdom was prostrated by the ruinous waste of the civil wars; her nobles were destroyed or impoverished; her cities were ruined; her fields devastated; but in the midst of this ruin, and greatly caused by it, there was steadily rising into notice and influence, if not to power, that numerous class, the burghers, whose dominion over events, and through them, over sovereigns-never again waned. Nor were the people deficient in a constitutional spirit, which showed itself in combinations and associations to resent, more frequently than to repel, injustice; but the nobles, decimated by the field and the scaffold, and impoverished by attainders, were but too glad to purchase safety by the sacrifice of what it would have been difficult to retain. Henry could scarcely be termed his people's choice; he could not have held his crown in safety had he not at length yielded to their demands, and associated Elizabeth of York with himself in the regal dignity. His first policy obviously was, to reduce the power of those nobles whose intimate connexion with the crown by marriage or descent had been one great moving spring of the wars of the "Roses." Enough of feudality still remained to render these nobles equally formidable in peace as in war, by means

of their large number of retainers, wearing the livery or badge of their lord; by the power given by the feudal laws of redressing private grievances, and by the disrepute into which the tribunals of the country had fallen through civil war and party oppression, thereby giving rise to those associations among the people which set law at defiance. In fact, the intimate connexion which still existed between lord and tenant, left the method of combating so many difficulties. the sovereign scarcely more than a choice of evils as to

Hallam says, that the policy of Henry VII. has been overrated. That as changing the line of descent, and as coinciding with the commencement of what is termed modern history, his accession is an æra; but that he did not carry the authority of the crown much beyond the point at which Edward IV. had left it. His statute giving the power of alienating entailed lands, a permission evidently tending to weaken and impoverish the aristocracy,-is, with little variation, a transcript of a statute of Richard III. By it, entailed estates were rendered liable to forfeiture by treason or felony;-an important matter to the crown in times when the frequent revolutions and changes of rulers laid in turn almost every noble of the kingdom under the ban of treason and forfeiture. Under these circumstances, and remembering Henry's disposition, it is not surprising that in his reign we should find an irresponsible tribunal, exercising a hated and dreaded, but unopposed, despotism. Such was the Court of Star Chamber, which meets us at every turn in our civil wars, whether of the Roses, or the Stuarts; standing in its shadowy terror, not only as an alarm to evil doers, but as an instrument by which the innocent man was robbed of his fortune, while the guilty rich one bought indemnity for crime. The term " shadowy terror" does not intimate that the inflictions of the Court of Star Chamber were unreal or nominal; but that, though not recognised by the law of England, this tribunal-by constant usage, and gradually assuming fresh power-had so strengthened its usurped authority as to become an efficient instrument of royal rapacity. To understand the growth of this jurisdiction, we must look back to an earlier period of our history.

The consilium ordinarium was a court held before the king in his palace; it was composed of the members of his privy council, with the spiritual and temporal peers; it was a court of jurisdiction, and the members of it were not necessarily members of the privy council; while the latter were the advisers of the Crown, and had a right to sit in the ordinary council. We constantly find traces of the interference of the king and his council in the litigations of the people, and from the latter all our superior courts of justice originated. Press of business, convenience, and other causes led to the establishment of separate tribunals, each having its judicial office; hence arose the courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, and Exchequer; but the king's council still remained, as a court of appeal from inferior tribunals, exercising the authority of supervision over writs and proceedings in common law; determinning matters not thus cognisable, and cases which seemed to demand special interference. According to Lord Bacon the Star Chamber took notice of "middle acts towards crimes, capital or heinous, not actually committed or perpetrated." Sir T. Smith specifies scandalous reports of persons in power, and seditious news, as offences which it was accustomed to punish. This was in violation of many ancient laws, statutes against the jurisdiction of the consilium ordinarium having been frequently enacted. Here was truly a broad basis whereon to build arbitrary power; but even so early as Edward II. we find the equitable jurisdiction of the Court of Chancery growing out of the wide surveillance of the king's council; a custom having then sprung up of referring the petitions of suitors aggrieved at common law to the Chancellor. In the reign of Edward III. the people, or rather the Commons, were

beginning to feel their own weight: as an evidence of which, the parliament of Northampton, in 1328, laid the foundation of the resolution of the Long Parliament, and the act of George II. which forbade the presence of the military at an election, by prohibiting in the writ of summons the tumultuous retinues of armed men which usually attended upon these occasions. This declaration of independence was followed by the enactment of the first statute of Northampton, in which provision was made for the better administration of justice both in criminal and civil cases, and restricting the jurisdiction of the king's council to cases not determinable by common law. The influence of the nobles was checked and limited; the rights of the people were declared and guarded, especially with respect to commercial monopolies, which were abolished by this statute. In the same reign the power of the king's council to issue special commissions was petitioned against by the Commons, and gradually relinquished; but the point was combated by Richard II. Henry IV. and Henry V.; and in the reign of Henry VI. regulations were passed for the management of causes before the council, allowing its decision in cases where the complaint was against a man of great influence, or where the suitor was too poor to prosecute in the inferior courts, or in which the council saw "other reasonable cause. This seems most excellent; as in those unsettled times, when might often prevailed over right, even without a struggle, and when the poor man often possessed neither pecuniary means nor legal opportunity of confronting his oppressor, a court to which the people might fly for relief, and obtain it without paying money, was needful, and likely to be of great utility; we shall see presently how it was abused.

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In the reigns of Henry VI. and Henry VII. the busi ness before the council increased; the old restrictions upon its power were more and more disregarded; and the latter king passed an Act, giving the council authority over cases which might be determined at common law, a usurpation which afterwards hastened the downfall of the Court of Star Chamber. The council held their sittings in a chamber of the palace at Westminster, known as "the council chamber near the Exchequer," and the "Chambre des Estoilles;" which chamber is said to have been situated in the outermost quadrangle of the palace, next the bank of the river, and was consequently easily accessible to the suitors. The name is supposed to have arisen from the ceiling of the apartment being anciently gilded with stars, perhaps in imitation of the old Jewish and oriental practice of dispensing justice under the canopy of Heaven only. However this may have been, in the reign of Henry VII. we find the phrase "The Council in the Star Chamber" merged in the designation "Court of Star Chamber." The course of its jurisdiction was either by personal summons, or by bill; the former often arose from secret information given to the council; or "by the curious eye of the State and King's council prying into the inconveniences and mischiefs which abound in the commonwealth." The accused, or suspected person was apprehended, dragged from home in ignorance of the charge against him, and, without friend or counsel, subjected to a rigorous examination "before the members of a tribunal which was bound by no law, and which itself created and defined the offences it punished." There was no previously declared accusation against which the defendant might prepare himself; he was confronted with no accuser, but in the presence of a secret assembly, comprehending some of the most dignified persons of the realm,--an assembly calculated to overawe the boldest offender, and utterly confound a person of any timidity, he was interrogated upon points of his conduct, respecting which the council had received information through the trustworthy channels of common rumour, or secret intelligence." If the accused would not confess, he was detained in custody while the council proceeded against him by bill; and

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if, dreading such confinement, he submitted to examination, he was liable to hear his ignorant and careless words misconstrued, or tortured to suit the preconceived ideas of his judges. This was indeed an exuberancy of prerogative," as Hudson terms it. A striking feature of the time was that the process of the Star Chamber might be served any where, and the church was frequently the place chosen for this purpose. The nature and manner of the interrogatories put to the accused person by this inquisitorial tribunal may be imagined, when we read, that Lord Chancellor Ellesmere forbade any interrogation respecting any crime not charged; ; as whether a man be honest? or of a knight, "whether he had not hedged and ditched in his time? to disgrace him;" but the examination was still secret, and no assistance or advice allowed to the defendent, he being obliged to answer each question separately without knowing its nature before hand. The examination of witnesses for the prosecution was likewise taken privately; they were not allowed to be questioned by the defendant as being "for the king," and it was alleged that, were they allowed to be so examined, they would be fearful of coming forward in such cases; this with the fact of such witnesses being richly rewarded, shows very clearly the system upon which the court proceeded.

The court sat for the hearing of causes twice, and sometimes thrice, a week; and after the sitting, the lords dined at the public expense; the number of these judges in the reign of Henry VII., and Henry VIII., was nearly forty; in the time of Elizabeth, about thirty; but afterwards, the Peers who were not Privy Councillors desisted from attendance, thus lessening the number still more. The Chancellor proceeded to the sittings of the court in great state, with his mace and seal carried before him; he was the supreme judge, and alone sat with his head covered. Every punishment except death was claimed by the court, which generally imposed a heavier punishment than was authorized by the statute which the accused person had violated;fines, whippings, were added to the punishments ordained by the common law; and often the inflictions were as absurd and degrading as they were tyrannical. During the reign of Henry VII. the Court of Star Chamber comes prominently into notice, that monarch himself presiding at no less than twelve sessions in the court within the first two years of his reign. Henry was clear-sighted in perceiving the low state of consideration and respect into which the ordinary courts of justice had fallen; while the combinations of the nobles increasing their power at the expense of the crown, could not be tolerated by a king of so despotic and jealous a temperament. The first act of his reign was calculated and intended to lessen the power of the barons. He administered an oath to his first parliament, that they should not receive or aid any felon, give any livery or token contrary to law, nor assent to any unlawful assembly. At a time when laws were so vaguely defined as at this period, such an oath as the above, even if conscientiously kept, could scarcely answer the purpose intended. But rapacity was a still stronger feature than the love of power in the character of Henry; and the Court of Star Chamber was made the instrument by which he accomplished his nefarious purposes. Was a man a partizan of the White Rose? -was he suspected of favouring the unfortunate Earl of Warwick?—— ---was his spirit thought too independent?- or was he reputed rich? Some long forgotten statute, "like a sword long rusty," was put in force against him, and his purse paid for his pardon. After the death of Elizabeth, the only link which bound Henry to the house of York, innumerable penal statutes were put into execution by Empson and Dudley; and these "ravening wolves had such a guard of false perjured persons belonging to them, that the king was sure to win, whoever lost. And at this unreasonable and extort doing, noble men grudged, mean men kicked, poor men lamented, preachers openly at Paul's

cross and other places exclaimed, rebuked and detested, | of the breach of the mere letter of the statutes." We but yet they would never amend." The king might see how much more highly he rated a pardon for legally require excessive fines from his wards, on grant- offences against himself, than for those against the law ing them liveries when they attained their majority; of God. but, besides this source of revenue, which explains one (To be continued.) reason why our early monarchs so eagerly claimed guardianship of the children of the nobility, Henry fined the Earl of Oxford 15,000/. for keeping his retainers in livery; an illegal custom certainly, but too general to be punished hitherto. Every place at court, and under the government, was also made the subject of regal barter, and even bishopricks were sold by this usurper, for such he undoubtedly was.

In the Lansdowne MSS, and quoted by Mr. Bruce in the Archæologia, is an account of sums which were received as fines from persons who had compounded with the king; many of these receipts being by Dudley. Among the persons named are many of the first nobility of the land, with other persons of note and official position. Sir William Capel, alderman of London, and Giles his son, were repeatedly "in trouble;" their fines amount to upwards of 3,000l. At length Sir W. Capel refused all composition, and "after prysonment in the Countour and sheriff's house, was by the king's counsell commanded to the Tower, where he remayned until the king died, and shortly after was delivered with many others." Among these others whom Henry's death released from unjust and lingering imprisonment was Sir Laurence Aylmer, mayor of London in 1508, he also having refused to compound with the king's rapacious myrmidons. Citizens of London, mayors, sheriffs, all were prosecuted in like manner. Not only did this respectable monarch take every occasion and pretext of exacting fines from his faithful subjects in office, but he took double advantage of them by first selling their appointments to them, and then severely scrutinising their conduct with a view to extorting as heavy sums as they could possibly bear in the shape of fines. From the following items it appears that besides this fertile source of profit to the king's treasury, he assumed the power of withdrawing causes from the jurisdiction of other courts, upon the accused person making a pecuniary arrangement with his tools; in Star-chamber phrase this was expressed by "the king took the matter into his own hands."

The following are some of the items before mentioned, forming a curious commentary upon the provision of Magna Charta, that "right and justice are not to be sold."

"For the discharge of an indictment of murther, found in Lincolnshire, against Jo. Cutlare, clerk, 300 marks.

marks.

A JOURNEY TO DAMASCUS.1

WE confess it was with feelings of no little hesitation we took up these volumes; not that we feared the noble author's capability for the task, but simply because the countries of which they treat have been so continually brought before the public by the various writers on the subject, that we really felt little new could be detailed. Most agreeably disappointed have we been. Lord Castlereagh has described the scenes in the various countries through which he traversed, with a freshness and vi gour that speedily removed any fears we might have had on the subject. We cannot do better than recommend our readers to peruse the volumes themselves, and are satisfied they will find it a most amusing and entertaining task.

Not the least amusing description in the book, is the mode in which business is transacted by the Turkish tradesmen of Cairo, who waste more time in one day for the sake of "smoke," than our merchants do in the space of a week. Our author went with Sir G. Wilkinson to order some clothes "from a venerable Turk named Hafiz, whom we found smoking at the bazaar in placid repose, and every now and then caressing his beard, or speaking to a passing acquaintance. We were invited to sit down, and he handed his pipe to Ismael Effendi, by which name Sir Gardner Wilkinson is known here. My business was explained to him, after which he rose, put his feet into his papooshes, tucked up his long caftan, and departed; but he soon returned, bringing with him another Turk. At least a quarter of an hour was spent by them in animated discussion. The second Turk then left us, and, after a long time, returned with a small piece of cloth. New discussion arose, and fresh pipes were called for, with coffee and sherbet. Then there was some silk to buy. Hafiz got into his papooshes again. Another quarter of an hour elapsed, and then a new consultation began. Then came the measuring, and a great row arose upon a declaration from Turk No. 2, that he wished to see a part of my dress as a pattern. We tried to get him to terms without this, but in vain. After two weary hours, we had only succeeded in buying the silk and cloth, and left Hafiz, promising to revisit him another time. This is an exact and faithful picture of the dealings and

"For Sir David Owen, for a pardon for hunting, 300 "For the discharge of the Earl of Devon for ex-business of this country. The merchant goes through chequers, 1000 marks.

"Of Jo. Montgomery, knt., to have the king's favour in traversing an indictment of murther in Staffordshire, 407.

"For Rede of Pawles, for his discharge of, and for a letter by him sent to Rome against the Archbishop of Canterbury, 50 marks.

"For the Earl of Derby for his pardon 6,000l. "For the pardon of the Earl of Northumberland 10,000l.

"For the king's most gracious favour to Swan and other certaine persons of Kent, to be discharged of all attaint sued against them by the Earl of Essex, and Sir Will. Say, 8007.

"For the general pardon of the Bishop of Sarum 1,000l."

What a testimony to the state of religion, morality, and law in that age! A pardon for murder bought on the same terms as one for killing the king's deer! Thus, as it has been well said, "Henry converted offences into a source of revenue, and was not anxious to carry into effect the spirit of the law, but to make money out

the form of pipes, coffee, and rigmarole with you, but then you must wait, while he proceeds to another stall, where he gets a pipe and more rigmarole; and if he returns again to you, the same farce is repeated, so that the whole affair of cloth, silk, buttons, lining, lace, measuring, fixing, time, and fashion, may occupy half a day, and yet the work may be unfinished. Dawdling through life is their passion; and as great a discussion is made about a para or two, more or less, in their price, as we should make about ten pounds. If you want a sword, you must first buy the blade; the handle is sold by one man, and ornamented by another, a third polishes and cleans it, a fourth makes the scabbard, a fifth the belt or cord, and so on; thus the business becomes endless. The dealers have no idea of time, and had rather not dispose of their wares at all than sell them without the whole ceremony of talk, smoke, and coffee."

And with a short, amusing, but not very flattering

I A Journey.to Damascus, through Egypt, Nubia, Arabia, Petræa, and Syria, by Viscount Castlereagh. London: Colburn.

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