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ed. I looked at the pit, where, every night before, I had seen the lowest order of men mixing with the more respectable, [females do not sit in the pit in New York,] and saw what appeared to me all gentlemen. This revived me. I looked at the boxes, and beheld all elegantly dressed people, such as I had never seen here before."

It happened, however, and this was certainly to the credit of the popular character, that all this alarm was the work of imagination; that the audience had too much of the original John Bull about them to cherish wrath against a humorist, whose trade it was to make all the world laugh with him, and at each other; and that they had no idea of regarding the pleasantest of mimics as worthy of the national thunder. As to the placards and para. graphs which had denouneed poor Mathews as only fit to be exhibited to the public tarred and feathered, they had been evidently voted vulgar by the pit "full of gentlemen," and the boxes full of ladies costumed à la Parisienne. All was therefore charming. The biographer proceeds:

"After the table and lamps were placed, a dead silence ensued for a minute, (my heart almost died in that minute;) but, when the prompter's bell was rung, and before the curtain could rise, a burst of the most stunning applause I ever heard, put all my fears aside. The

curtain rose, and Mathews walked on sternly, but as pale as death, and was met by such plaudits and cheerings as can scarcely be imagined."

In his address, it was requisite that erhe should touch upon his expected repulse. This was certainly a point which required some adroitness; but he had too often appealed to audiences in his own country to feel much alarm in any other. Among his topics, he promised that he would perform his "trip to America," word for word, and leave it to an American audience to say, whether he was the national

libeller that he was said to be. All this was received with good feeling by the audience, and his popularity was re-established, if it had ever been shaken.

His health was now decaying, and his feelings of the bitter climate certainly offer no encouragement to emigration. In December, he thus writes to his son:--" This will not do-I must come back. I am blighted; I cannot

work-I have been eleven days confined here-Siberian weather has set in. Thermometer ten degrees, sometimes more, below zero! and I jumping from a sick room to a stage, surrounded with blasts (not draughts) of wind. A rhinoceros could not endure it! All the illness of my fifty-eight years of life added up, is not equal to the number of days I have been ill here. Forty days' perfect health at sea, succeeded by instantaneous effects of miasma on landing."

In another letter, of equal misery, he writes-" The worst description of ill luck overwhelms me. Every seat was taken in the Boston theatre, when I totally lost my voice-nine days in one room!-On my recovery, the winter had commenced! I cannot describe it to an European; you have never seen any thing like it-twenty degrees below zero at night, ten in the daytime-houses warmed up to ninety - cold stage at night-no chance of a partial thaw till March."

Some of the most amusing parts of these memoirs consist of these little sketches from America. Mrs Mathews writes-" I have not walked out for days, until this morning, when I begin to hope that the weather is relaxing in a small degree. Nothing, however, but sleighs and buffalo skins is to be seen-nothing is to be heard but the jingling of the bells attached to the horses' heads, which is truly distracting. Your poor father cannot make the least effort towards air, and much less exercise. I induced him on Wednesday to accompany me in a 'booby hut,' (so a covered sleigh is called,) to make a few calls; but, though the hut was almost air-tight, the boobies within it were nearly frozen; and after I had got out once, and grazed my leg from ankle to knee, by slipping through the iron steps on my first attempt to get in again, we all returned home, where, after half an

hour's experiment, we were satisfied

that we had not lost our noses."

Mathews, with all his oddity, had English feelings in his nature, and he was therefore a hater of Whigs. He provides for those lovers of place, a place which all wellwishers of the empire would gladly see them possessing. He thus writes from Boston:"There are a few hundred thousand Irish tyrants at least here, who, from a hackney coach upwards, drive you as they please. I congratulate you on the return of the Tories. [1835.] I wish you could send all the Whigs here: I should like no better punishment for them, than their being compelled to visit America in search of liberty!"

He again expresses his horror of the climate in this graphic passage :"When I came out [from his sickbed] the thermometer was at twentyfour degrees below zero! I stood at my table one hour and a half, and the bolt of ice that then entered my head, and extended to my feet, has in fact remained in my lungs until this present moment unthawed!"

But the scene which closes on all in their turn, was now about to close on this clever, active, and rambling man of pleasantry. His return to England, though delighting him by the sensation that he had escaped the climate of the States, severe to all, but desperate to his frame, produced no renewal of his health. The blow, in fact, was already struck. He tried Devonshire, but unwisely, for mild as its coast comparatively is in winter, it is harsh and stormy in spring. The ice-bolt was still in him. After suffering much from difficulty of breathing, he died on his birthday, June 20th, 1835. His last hours were spent in a manner suited to his state, and which must be gratifying to all who remember him; he frequently read his Bible, and evidently thought deeply on its consolations. But two days before his death, he awoke in a kind of rapture, yet without extravagance. Though speaking with difficulty, he said "Oh, I have had such beautiful visions-such. lovely, heavenly visions-I wish some

imaginative poet, like Coleridge or Shelley, could have seen what I have seen; what a beautiful account he would give of it! Oh, such heavenly visions!"

It is true that language of this kind has been often uttered by enthusiasts and affectors of enthusiasm; but he was neither, but a man of simple mind, with all his acuteness, and doubtless spoke only what had solaced and brightened his sleeping hour.

Since the appearance of these volumes, a statement has been published by Arnold, the patentee of the Lyceum theatre, contradicting the biographer's account of the contract under which the "At Homes" had been given. The detail is long, curious, and supported by much testimony; but we cannot, in our space, more than advert to it now. It strongly denies that Mrs Mathews could have been in the state of ignorance relative to the transaction which she affects; declares that, by Arnold's own desire, it was fully and personally communicated to her; that it produced from her expressions not merely of acquiescence but of gratitude, pronouncing him " the saviour of the family," &c. The manager's offer certainly appears to have been a very handsome one-£1000 a-year for seven years' acting, and from this period an annuity of £1000 for life. If Mathews had abided by this agreement, he would, in all probability, have been alive at this moment; it would have saved him from all those dismal journeys which undermined his health; and, above all, from the American adventure, which decidedly laid him in his grave.

ON THE PRESENT POSITION OF THE CHURCH OF SCOTLAND.

PART II.

THE Church of Scotland, as it at present exists, with its Presbyterian form of government, was first established in 1592. To this period therefore, of all others, the greatest importance is necessarily attached in a discussion like the present. But there seems to be in the minds of some men, a strange misapprehension both as to the mode and the time in which the Presbyterian Church of Scotland was first called into existence as a national establishment. The reverence which is entertained for the names and characters of Knox, and the other early reformers, has led many, unconsciously perhaps, or at least without due consideration, to look back on the age in which they lived as a period of prosperity, and as affording the purest and most perfect example of Presbyterian polity. But there can be no greater mistake than this. Popery, no doubt, was abolished so early as 1560; but this was pre-eminently the work, not of the Church but of the Legislature of Scotland. The Records of Parliament, in 1560, contain a summary of Protestant doctrine, addressed to the whole people of Scotland, under the following title: "The Confessioun of Faith, profest and beleved be the Protestantes within the realme of Scotland, publisht be thaime in Parliament, and be the estaites thereof ratifeit and approvit as hailsome and sound doctrine, groundit upon the infallible trewth of God's word."* Not a syllable is said of "The Church," or of any church, apart from the Universall Church of Christ. † On the contrary, the Parliament, in their own name and authority alone, address themselves to “thair naturall countreymen, and to all utheris realmes and natiounes." The opening passage of their address is most remarkable:"Lang have we thristet, deir brethren, to have notifeit unto the warld the soume of that doctrine qlk we profest, and for the qlk we have sustenit infamy and dainger. Bot sick has bene the

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rage of Sathan against us and against Christ Jesus, his eternal veritie laitlie borne amangst us, that to this day na tyme hes bene grantet unto us to clear oure consciences, as maist glaidlie we wold have done, ffor how we have bene tosset a haill zier past, the maist parte of Europe (as we supois) dois understand." This, be it observed, is not the ecclesiastical but the civil govern. ment, not the Church but the Parliament, that is addressing itself to the people of Scotland, and explaining the sum and substance of that Protestant faith and doctrine which they had seen fit to embrace.

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Again, in 1567, we have a ratification of the acts and proceedings of the Parliament of 1560, and a republication, by civil authority alone, of "The Confessioun of the Faith and Doctrine believit and professit be the Protestantes of the realme of Scotland, exhibitit to the Estatis of the same in Parliament, and be thair public votis authorisit as doctrine groundit upon the infallibill word of God."§ The same Parliament declares, that the "jurisdiction" of "the true Kirk, and immaculate Spous of Christ Jesus," (i. e. obviously of the Church universal,) "consistis and standis in preiching of the trew word of Jesus Christ, correctioun of manneris, and administratioun of haly Sacramentis." No doubt, the examination and ad.. mission of ministers was, at the same time, committed to the general body of the clergy, under a special reservation of the rights of the "just and auncient patrones." But the whole policy of the Parliament of 1567, leads to the conclusion, that this Act was passed rather by way of experiment, pending the discussion with the clergy, as to their rights and constitutional position, than as the final establishment of a national Church. Were it otherwise, however even assuming that, by virtue of the Acts of 1567, there existed, de facto, an Es

† Ibid. p. 530. Ar.-" Of the Kirk." Ibid. p. 23.

§ Thomson's Acts, vol iii. p. 14.

tablished Church in Scotland-it was, at least, not the Presbyterian Establishment to which we belong, but a mixed and anomalous body, composed to a great extent of Episcopalians, holding general assemblies,* in which bishops sat and voted under the recognised title and with the authority of bishops.t Presbyteries were formed for the first time in the year 1581, and the Presbyterian Church, thus gradually modelled and organized, was, as already stated, established as the National Church in 1592.

The conditions and limitations of the Acts of Parliament by which this establishment was effected, have been already sufficiently explained.

The power of collation was given to presbyteries, under the special condition that they should be "bound and astricted" to admit qualified presentees. Here, therefore, our historical enquiries might fairly enough be brought to a close. But we formerly intimated an intention of adverting to some more recent passages in the history of the Church; and we feel that we should hardly acquit ourselves of the task

which we have undertaken, if we failed to call the attention of our readers very shortly to the state of ecclesiastical affairs at the two great eras of the Usurpation and the Revolution, as affecting the rights and influence of the people in the choice and settlement of ministers.

Whatever opinion may be formed respecting the conduct and motives of the General Assemblies which sat during the period between 1638 and 1649, there can be no doubt that the power and influence of the Church was then practically both more varied and more extensive than it has ever been since the times of Popery. To this cause must be attributed the abolition of patronage by Parliament in 1649, and the large discretion committed to the General Assembly of that year, to provide for the "just and proper interests of presbyteries and congregations" under the new system. The result of their deliberations was the celebrated "Directory," which vested the election of the pastor in the session, not in the people. In the event of the acquiescence of the congregation, the presbytery are directed to proceed to take trial of

* An able and ingenious pamphleteer (the Reverend Andrew Gray, minister of Perth, author of "The Present Conflict between the Civil and Ecclesiastical Courts Examined," 8vo, Edin. 1839,) has expended much labour in proving that the General Assemblies which sat during the period from 1560 to 1592, were convened without the authority, permission, or sanction of Parliament; and from this fact, which we presume no one will dispute, he draws the inference, that the Church, as it then existed, was possessed of inherent and independent powers derived directly from God. But does the reverend gentleman not perceive that the very same powers are (except under a system of intolerance) vested in every dissenting body? A private association formed for a religious, or any other legal purpose, may make and enforce rules affecting the management of its own affairs, and binding on its members, so long as these are not opposed to, or inconsistent with, the civil law.

† See numerous instances of this in the "Buik of the Universal Kirk."

We have no intention of discussing the policy of this measure, but the language of the Act is well worthy of attention, as indicative of the irresistible influence which the Church at this time exercised over the deliberations of the Committee of Estates. The preamble contains a sanction and approval, almost in the words of the Second Book of Discipline, of all those doctrines on the subject of presentation and admission of ministers, which had been consistently and successfully reprobated and opposed by every parliament, from the year 1560 downwards. Now, the Legislature seems to have been compelled, in the most literal sense, jurare in verba magistri: " The Estates of Parliament being sensible of the great obligation that layes upon them by the National Covenant, and by the Solemn League and Covenant, and by many deliverances and mercies from God, and by the late solemn engagement unto duties to preserve the doctrine, and maintain and vindicate the liberties of the Kirk of Scotland, and to advance the work of reformation therein, to the utmost of their power: And considering that patronages and presentations of kirks is an evill and bondage under which the Lord's people and ministers of this land have long groaned, and that it hath no warrant in God's word, but is founded only on the Canon law, and is a custom merely Popish, and brought into the Kirk in time of ignorance and superstition, and that the same is contrary to the Second Book of Discipline, in which, upon solid and good ground, it is reckoned among abuses that are desired to be reformed, and unto several Acts of General Assemblies; and that it is prejudicial to the liberty of the people, and planting of Kirks, and unto the free calling and entrie of ministers unto their charge: And the saids estates being willing and desirous to promove and advance the Reformation foresaid, That everie thing in the House of God may be ordered according to his word and commandment, doe therefore, from the sense of the former obligations, and upon the former grounds and reasons, discharge for ever hereafter, all patronages and presentations of kirks, whether belonging to the King or to any laicke patrone, presbyteries, or others, within this kingdome, as being unlawfull and unwarrantable, by God's word, and contrary to the doctrine and liberties of this Kirk." - Thomson's Acts, Vol. VI. p. 411.

the person elected; "but if it happen that the major part of the congregation dissent from the person agreed upon by the session, in that case the matter shall be brought unto the presbytery, who shall judge of the same and if they doe not find their dissent to be grounded on causelesse prejudices, they are to appoynt a new election in manner above specified." * The presbytery are to enquire into the reasons of the people's objections, and to judge whether they be sufficient, or be grounded on causeless prejudices. It is impossible to imagine a more favourable opportunity than was afforded to the Church at this time of executing any fundamental law, or carrying into practical operation any fundamental principle of the Church in the settlement of ministers. The General Assembly was intrusted with full discretion the Church was all-powerful

the leaders of that day, Rutherford, and Guthrie, and Livingstone, and Gillespie, were the most zealous and uncompromising reformers-the most enthusiastic, and in the judgment of many men the most bigoted, Presbyterians known in the history of the Church; and yet, under such auspices, the people were still deprived of a sacred privilege, to which we are told they have right by a fundamental law of the Church-no dissent, without reasons, being competent to be entertained by a presbytery under the Directory of 1649.

After times of unprecedented trial for the Church of Scotland, the Pres byterian form of ecclesiastical government was again established at the Revolution, and the right of patronage was then, not abolished altogether, but transferred from the "ancient patrons" to the heritors and elders in each parish. But what provision was made for listening to the wishes of the people? It is enacted that the heritors and elders "name and propose the

person to the whole congregation, to be either approved or disapproved by them; and if they disapprove, that the disapprovers give in their reasons, to the effect the affair may be cognosced upon by the presbytery of the bounds." Not one word is to be found in this statute which can by possibility be stretched to support the principle of giving effect to dissent without reasons assigned. The statute follows the unbending rule of Church law, that in all cases the objections of the congregation are to be considered and judged of by the presbytery.

It has been already observed, that after an experiment which lasted for twenty-one years, the Act of 1690 was repealed, and the "ancient patrons" were restored to precisely the same rights which they had enjoyed of old, under the same condition that their choice should be confined to persons qualified in the judgment of the Church. The 10th Anne is in effect simply a revival or re-enactment of that part of the Act of 1592 which relates to patronage and settlements; the law has now remained unchanged for more than 120 years, and the rights of patrons, therefore, are at the present day the same, both in kind and extent, as those of their ancestors in the sixteenth century; and the powers of the Church and the influence of the people in settlements, are confined within the same limits which were marked out and approved of, or at least acquiesced in, by all parties at the first establishment of the Reformed Presbyterian Church in Scotland. We are told, indeed, that the absolute exercise of the right of patronage, and the exclusion of the people's voice in the election of ministers, was never cordially approved of by the Church; and that the ecclesiastical history of the last century furnishes numerous instances of attempts, unsuccessful certainly, but zealous and sincere, to extend the influence of the

* Acts of Assembly, 1649. 8vo ed. p. 649.

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