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master is abroad.' And more than any man, he has aided in sending him abroad. He prepared the way in England, by his laborious investigations into the condition of the public charities; and, though those who fear the power of the schoolmaster have, as yet, by clamorous appeals to interest, and ignorance, and prejudice, greatly obstructed his efforts to induce Government to take a share in the glorious work of instructing the people, there is now no longer any reason to apprehend, that this part also of bis great plan will not finally be adopted. In the meantime, as if he thought life not long enough to study in, he has recommended and promoted the establishment of infant schools, that instruction may begin with the very first developement of the capacity to receive it. At his suggestion, too, a society has been formed, which is as a schoolmaster, not only to England, but to France and to America. To him, likewise, may be referred the origin of most of those numerous associations, which, under different names, have for their common object self-instruction and mutual improvement. The united influence of all these agents is like that tree of the East, whose branches, after spreading on all sides, bend to the earth, and take root again and spread still further; yet again to take root at a still greater distance from the parent stem, and to spread yet wider still. Its effects are already visible in the increased demand for useful information, in the augmented, and augmenting number of new publications to satisfy that demand, and in the generally improved character of the periodical press. He would be a bold man who should venture to say when, or where, or by what boundary, the operation of this influence is to be circumscribed.
And all this Mr. Brougham has accomplished while yet in the vigor of life. What, then, may not be expected of him, should he be spared to the green old age of Franklin ? Hitherto he has neither had official rank or official influence to aid him. Now he has both. And we cannot believe that he will do less, because he has power to do more. He has hitherto been an independent man. To secure his independence, he has labored hard in his profession. We cannot think that he will cease to be so; that he will approach the throne without carrying his principles along with him. It seems to us little less than absurd, to say of a man, whose hours, devoted to the advancement of the best interests of mankind, have been • frequently stolen from needful rest,' that he will not devote
to the same great cause, the accidental influence of office; or that he, of whom we are told that he has hung over the lamp of study, till not all the bloom of life merely, but even the energy of life itself, seems on the very verge of extinction,' will now turn away from his glorious work, and so blast the splendid fame and the lofty self-approbation, for which he has made all this sacrifice. No; we find ourselves utterly unable to believe, that he has made such an oblation to the lust of power. And we look to see him laboring strenuously as heretofore, in the same great cause; and finding an abundant reward for his toils in the applause of his own heart and in the admiration and gratitude of mankind.
We would here conclude our remarks; for we have spoken of all the most prominent incidents of his life and of the public character of the man, if not as we would, yet as we could; but our readers will expect some account of the orator, and we are not willing to disappoint their expectations. Mr. Brougham's figure is said to be any thing but graceful. His features are almost harsh and repulsive; yet so strongly marked, that no man can see him, though but once, and go away under the impression that he has left an ordinary man. His action is not very elegant; but if we include under that name the whole of delivery, gesture, the tone of the voice and the expression of the countenance, then his power in this department is probably not inferior to that which is displayed in his reasoning and language. The action of his mind, and especially the tremendous talent of invective, by which he is eminently distinguished, have never been better or more forcibly described than by the author of the Attic Fragments. We shall make no apology, therefore, for laying an extract before our readers, and with it we shall conclude. It is taken from a description of Brougham's terrible attack upon Canning in the year 1823. The cause of the attack will be explained in the quotation. The two men are first exhibited in contrast.
* Canning chose his words for the sweetness of their sound, and arranged his periods for the melody of their cadence; while, with Brougham, the more hard and unmouthable the better. Canning arranged his words like one who could play skilfully upon that sweetest of all instruments, the human voice; Brougham proceeded like a master of every power of reasoning, and of the understanding. The figures and allusions of the one were always quadrable by the classical formule; those of the other could be
squared only by the higher analysis of the mind; and they soared and ran, and pealed and swelled on and on, till a single sentence was often a complete oration within itself; but still, so clear was the logic, and so close the connexion, that every member carried the weight of all that went before, and opened the way for all that was to follow after. The style of Canning was like the convex mirror, which scatters every ray of light that falls upon it, and shines and sparkles in whatever position it is viewed. That of Brougham was like the concave speculum, scattering no indiscriminate radiance, but having its light concentrated into one intense and tremendous focus. Canning marched forward in a straight and clear track; every paragraph was perfect in itself, and every coruscation of wit and genius was brilliant and delightful; it was all felt, and it was felt at once ; Brougham twined round and round in a spiral, sweeping the contents of a vast circumference before him, and uniting and pouring them onward to the main point of attack. When he began, one was astonished at the wideness and obliquity of his course, nor was it possible to comprehend how he was to dispose of the vast and varied materials which he collected by the way; but as the curve lessened, and the end appeared, it became obvious that all was to be effi. cient there.
Such were the rival orators, who sat glancing hostility and defiance at each other during the early part of the session for 1823. Brougham, as if wishing to overthrow the Secretary by a sweeping accusation of having abandoned all principle for the sake of office; and the Secretary ready to parry the charge, and attack in his turn. An opportunity at length offered ; and it is the more worthy of being recorded, as being the last terrible personal attack previous to that change in the measures of the cabinet, which, though it had begun from the moment that Canning, Robinson, and Huskisson came into office, was not at that time perceived, or at least admitted and appreciated. Upon that occasion, the oration of Brougham was, at the outset, disjointed and ragged, and apparently without aim or application. He careered over the whole annals of the world, and collected every instance in which genius had degraded itself, at the footstool of power, or principle had been sacrificed to the vanity or the lucre of place; but still there was no allusion to Canning, and no connexion, that ordinary men could discover, with the business before the House. When, however, he had collected every material which suited his purpose, when the mass had become big and black, he bound it about and about with the cords of illustration and argument; and when its union was secure, he swung it round and round with the strength of a giant and the rapidity of a whirlwind, in order that its impetus and its effects might be the more tremendous; and while doing this, he ever and anon glared and pointed his finger to make the aim and the direction sure. Canning himself was the first that seemed to be aware where and how terrible was to be the collision; and he kept writhing his body in agony, and rolling his eyes in fear, as if anxious to find some shelter from the impending bolt. The House soon caught the impression, and every man in it was glancing fearfully, first toward the orator, and then towards the Secretary. There was, save the voice of Brougham, which growled in that under tone of muttered thunder which is so fearfully audible, and of which no speaker of the day was fully master but himself, a silence as if the angel of retribution had been flaring in the faces of all parties the scroll of their personal and political sins. A pen, which one of the secretaries dropped upon the matting, was heard in the remotest part of the House; and the voting members, who often slept in the side galleries during the debate, started up as though the final trump had been sounding them to give an account of their deeds. The stiffness of Brougham's figure had vanished; his features seemed concentrated almost to a point; he glanced toward every part of the House in succession; and sounding the death-knell of the Secretary's forbearance and prudence, with both his clenched hands upon the table, he hurled at him an accusation more dreadful in its gall, and more torturing in its effects, than ever had been hurled at mortal man within the same walls. The result was instantaneous,—was electric. It was as when the thunder-cloud descends upon some giant peak,-one flash, -one peal,--the sublimity vanished, and all that remained was a small and cold pattering of rain. Canning started to his feet, and was able to utter only the unguarded words, “It is false!" to which followed a dull chapter of apologies.'
1. Decision of His Majesty the King of the Netherlands,
Provinces. 2. Protest of the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Pleni
potentiary of the United States, against the Decision of the King of the Netherlands, on the Questions submitted to him, as Arbiter between the United States and Great Britain, relative to the Boundary of the United States. 3. Report of a Joint Committee of the Legislature of the State of Maine, on the answer made by the King of the Netherlands, in relation to the North-eastern Boundary of the United States ; read and accepted by both Branches of the Legislature. In the treaty of peace between the United States and Great Britain, of September 3, 1783, a part of the boundary line, between the territory conceded to the former, and the provinces of the latter, is described in the following words. From the north-west angle of Nova Scotia, viz. that angle which is formed by a line drawn due north from the source of St. Croix river to the highlands; along the said highlands, which divide those rivers that empty themselves into the St Lawrence, from those which fall into the Atlantic ocean, to the north-westernmost head of Connecticut river, thence down along the middle of that river, to the forty-fifth degree of north latitude; from thence, by a line due west on said latitude, until it strikes the river Iroquois or Cataraquy,' &c.; and east, by a line to be drawn along the middle of the river St. Croix, from its mouth in the bay of Fundy to its source, and from its source, directly north, to the aforesaid highlands, which divide the rivers that fall into the Atlantic ocean, from those which fall into the river St. Lawrence.'
This description, specific as it seems, and the less liable to uncertainty, from being a repetition and confirmation of the boundaries previously established, and at the time subsisting between the Colonies whose independence was acknowledged, and the provinces of Nova Scotia and Lower Canada, has given occasion to doubts on several points, and to controversies