formed by his minifters of the pernicious effects which the Indian religion had produced in his territories, went to Sigan-Fou, and vifiting there the temples and monafteries of the Samaneans, was furprised to find them furnished with a prodigious quantity of arms and military ftores. This occafioned a bloody perfecution of the Indian Samaneans, whofe temples and monafteries were pillaged and deftroyed, and who themselves were buried alive in great numbers; fo that the Indian religion feemed to be entirely extinguifhed. But it raised its head in the following reign, and flourished fo remarkably under the protection of the new emperor, that the number of temples in the territories of this prince, amounted to 13,000, and above 3000 Samaneans emigrated from India, and fettled at Lo Yang. When we confider what our Academician mentions of one of the most famous of thefe doctors, who was fo deeply fixed in contemplation (of we know not what), that he remained, during nine years without interruption, with his eyes fixed upon a wall: we cannot form a very high idea of the Chinese, who fuffered fuch fellows to make a noife in their empire. Be that as it may, the Indian religion made fuch a progrefs in China about the beginning of the 6th century of the Chriftian æra, that in the northern part of that country, which formed, at this period, a diftinct empire, there were 30,000 temples, and above 200,000 perfons who became Samaneans, and paffed their lives in a kind of monafteries. In 556, an emperor, who reigned in the north, and would not allow more than one religion to fubfift in his dominions, obliged the doctors of the fect of Tao-fe to become Samaneans, and to affume the habit of that Indian order. In 581, the northern and fouthern territories of China were united into one empire, under Ven-ti; who, yielding to the remonftrances of his minifters against the Samaneans, diminished their number, but could not be perfuaded to withdraw from them entirely his protection, though he granted it alfo to the fect of Tao-fe. The emperors of China protected the Indian religion, because the Brahmines pretended to have the fectet of rendering them immortal, by means of a certain plant. This, and a variety of other circumftances, mentioned by M. De GUIGNES, favoured the Samaneans, who became powerful at court, perfecuted their adverfaries, and oppreffed the people, until the year 840, when an edict was published which ordered the fuppreffion of the Indian religion throughout the empire, exempting only a fmall number of temples, and about 500 bonzas from the execution of this fentence. This perfecution was excited by the Tao fe, to whom the Emperor was attached, and by the remonftrances of the minifters; but the Indians were reftored, in the following reign, to their temples and privileges, the Emperor affifted at their religious ceremonies, numbers of Nn4 Chinefe Chinese were sent to India to bring religious books from thence, and the Indians kept their ground, with more or lefs ftability, until the year 965. The fect of Tao-fe was, however, powerful; the emperors were in a ftate of fluctuation between these two religions, while they continued to profefs that of the empire. The Indians promifed them the protection of the Deity, eternal felicity in other worlds, new births here below in happieṛ fcenes, and fometimes even immortality in this prefent ftate, which laft idea they seem to have borrowed from the fect of Taofe. This latter fect taught a very different doctrine: the Taofe recommended the fuppreffion of violent defires and tumultuous paffions, and the renouncing vaft and ambitious projects, as inconfiftent with tranquillity, and as exciting men to labour for the happiness of their defcendants at the expence of their own. According to their moral doctrine, it was the wifeft fyftem to forget the past, and never to think of the future, that all the attention of the mind might be taken up in fecuring its prefent well-being. But as this well-being was troubled by the apprehenfions of death, they flattered themfelves with a notion (which gave them the advantage of many of our modern philofophifts) of finding a beverage (as the Indians hoped to find a plant) that would dethrone the king of terrors, and infure immortality. In a word, the Tao-fe were Epicureans who abufed the credulity of the great, and by a commodious doctrine found favour at court. In the beginning of the eleventh century the Indian religion fuffered confiderably in India itself, by the invafion and conquefts of Mahmoud, Sultan of Ghazna, who, in order to establish there the religion of Mahomet, perfecuted the Brahmines and Samaneans, and deftroyed their temples. It is probable, that, on this occafion, many of the Samaneans made their efcape to Thibet, as it was then that the chiefs of the Indian religion in that country began to affume the title of Grand Lamas, and Thibet was become, in fome meafure, the metropolis of that religion. And, indeed, fince that epocha, the number of the Indians in China diminished, and the Lamas of Thibet (the fame with the Samaneans) fucceeded the Indians at court, and became the pontifs of the Indian religion in China. They held there a grand affembly in the year 1289, were 40,000 in number, and agreed upon a form of ecclefiaftical government. In 1290, when China was fubdued by the Monguls, the Emperor fent into India, to invite the learned natives of that country to come and fettle in China. The Monguls loft that empire only by the exorbitant power of the Lamas, who were become objects of horror and averfion to the Chinefe. It was probable that on the extinction of that dynafty, the Lamas, who called the Bonpas into China, would be banished the empire; but the contrary happened; happened: the founder of the following dynafty (that of Ming) had been himfelf a Bonza; he protected the order, and conferred upon the Grand Lama of Thibet the moft pompous titles. The votaries of the Indian religion kept their ground in China, and are ftill refpected there. A MEMOIR, defigned to reconcile the different Accounts given by the Grecian writers, and more efpecially by Herodotus and Ctefias, of the Commencement and Duration of the Affyrian Empire; as alfa to reconcile thefe writers with the Perfians, in their Accounts of the Reigns which form (what the Orientals call) the Dynafty of the Pefchdadians. By M. ANQUETIL DU PERRON. A MEMOIR concerning the Empire of the Medes, and that of the Perfians, compared with the Dynafty of the Keanians, as this Dynafly is denominated by the Eastern Writers. By the fame. Memoir. Concerning War, confidered as a Science. By M. JOLY DE MAIZEROY. If this Memoir had been anonymous, we should have fufpected its coming from a royal, but fubterraneous author, fo plaguily does it fmell of fire and brimstone. To render scientific the exertions of injuftice, avarice, and ambition; to teach fovereigns, minifters and generals, the art of fhedding innocent blood, of bathing widows and orphans in tears, and fpreading defolation, anguish, and mifery, through the peaceful feats of domeftic union and focial life-is after all but a devilif kind of bufinefs.Hold moralift!-(will fome political gladiator ftep forth and fay) war is a fublime fcience, "as it requires courage regulated by prudence (fo does the fcience of ropedancing), and as it fecures to a people their poffeffions and their tranquillity."-Thefe are our Author's words: the honeft man is dead, and therefore we cannot defire him to open his eyes, if all the records of hiftory are infufficient to persuade him of the contrary. The truth is, that the fcience of war arms the odious invader as well as the invaded ;-and if war had not been reduced to an art, it is probable that invafions would have been both less frequent and lefs pernicious; and (what is worthy to be noted) it would not have been an object of glory to feck (barbarously) for the occafion of difplaying military talents, and to make a bloody campaign with the fame spirit that two ardent connoiffeurs play a game of chefs.However all this may be, the Memoir before us is a mafter-piece in its kind; it is replete with erudition, contains ingenious points of view, and is compofed with a very uncommon elegance and fimplicity of stile. The Academy of Infcriptions laments the lofs of its author with fenfibility he was one of the most elegant antiquaries of that learned fociety, and has a title to their regret. And fince wicked fovereigns and minifters oblige good and juft ones to fight. whether they will or not,—we cannot but recommend the performance now before us, though woe to those who make a bad ufe of it! Ar ART. VIII. Memoires de Litterature tirés des Regiftres de l'Academie Royale des Inferiptions et Belles Lettres : i. e. Memoirs of Literature taken from the Registers of the Royal Academy of Infcriptions and BellesLettres from the Year 1773 to the Year 1775, and a Part of the Year 1776 inclufive. Vol XLI. Paris, 1780. HISTORICAL Refearches concerning the Edicts of the Roman Magiftrates, Fourth Memoir. By M. BOUCHAUD. The Edicts of the Prætors form the fubject of this Memoir, which is divided into four parts. In the first our learned Academician treats of the origin of the prætorship, the number of prætors, and of their particular diftricts. In the fecond and third he confiders the power and the different functions of the prætors, as alfo the different kinds of edits they iffued out in confequence of the different spheres in which they acted; and, in the fourth, he points out the changes that were introduced into the Roman Jurifprudence by the edicts of the Prætors. The 23d, 24th, and 25th Memoirs concerning the Roman Legion. By M. LE BEAU. The nourishment and pay of the legionary foldier, and the difcipline of the legion, are objects treated in thefe Memoirs, with that prodigality of eruditition which we generally meet with in the refearches of M. Le BEAU, but, at the fame time, with that accuracy and precision that alleviates the burthen of this erudition to the curious reader. A General Reprefentation of the State of the Grecian Cavalry, together with a Tranflation of the Treatife of Xenophon, entitled, Inρxos, or the Commander of Cavalry, Two Memoirs. By Mr JOLY DE MAIZEROY. In the first of these Memoirs the ingenious and learned Academician treats of the ftate of the Grecian cavalry from its original inftitution, to the death of Epaminondas; and in the second he confiders the variations and improvements through which it paffed from this period to the battle of Cynocephales, in which Philip II. of Macedon was vanquished by Flaminius. Refearches concerning the Symphony of the Ancients. By M. De ROCHEFORT. Some of the most eminent mufical writers look upon it as highly probable, that the ancients were entirely unacquainted with harmony, which is the foul of modern mufic. Our Academician does not pretend to maintain, that the ancients carried the counterpoint (or the art of difpofing feveral parts in fuch a manner, that though each had its diftinct and proper melody, their union compofed an agreeable whole or concert) to fo high a degree of perfection as the moderns have done: neverthelefs, he thinks it highly probable, that they had fome knowledge of the art of concords, by which he means, the art of joining feveral inftruments and voices together, which, either in fong or accompaniment, formed a feries of concords, from whence refuited a real harmony. Memoir. Memoir. Concerning Greek Profe. By the Abbé ARNAUD. It is remarkable, as this Academician ingeniously obferves, that the first profe-writers among the Grecks derived their language immediately from the poets, who, by applying it to the important objects of legiflation, morals and religion, and to the moft fublime productions of nature and art, had ennobled all its expreffions. This circumftance gave the Greek prose a peculiar degree of beauty and energy, and diftinguifhed eminently the Greek language from that of all the learned and polished nations that have exifted. Our Author does not propose here to give a regular treatife on Greek elocution, but only to point out its principal characters and periods. In this first part of his Memoir, which alone is publifhed as yet, he treats of words, confidered with refpect to their choice, arrangement, and figures. In the fecond he proposes to treat of the different kinds of ftile; and in the third of the manner of the most eminent Grecians, whofe works have been handed down to our times. An ANALYSIS of Ariftotle's Poetics, or Art of Poetry, in which it is fhewn, that the tranfpofitions made by Heinfius in the Text of that Work, ought not to be adopted. By the late Abbé BATTEUX. This Memoir is ingenious, and worthy of the extenfive erudition and critical acumen of its Author. It furnishes us, however, with an opportunity of pointing out the palpable mistakes into which learned men have fucceffively fallen in their explications of Ariftotle's definition of tragedy, and correcting that of the Abbé BATTEUX, which is as erroneous as thofe of his predeceffors, whom he has criticized with freedom, fpirit and juftice. The mistakes in queftion relate to the laft part of Ariftotle's definition, in which he points out the end or final purpose of tragedy, or the effect it is intended to produce upon the audience: the words, as they ftand in the Greck, are, die Eher xx góßou περαίνεσα την τῶν τοιέτων Παθηματων καθαρσιν. It appears evi dent, as the Abbé Batteux obferves, that Victorius tranflated this paffage word for word, without understanding what Ariftotle meant, or perhaps attaching any idea to his terms. Latin verfion (per mifericordiam et metum conficiens hujufmodi perturbationum purgationem) renders this highly probable. The tranflations of Caftelvetro and Heinfius leave, at least, the difficulty of the paffage in all its obfcurity. Dacier is not a whit more luminous on the fubject: La tragedie (fays he in his tranflation of the paffage) et l'imitation, &c. qui par le moyen de la terreur et de la pitie, acheve de PURGER en nous ces fortes de PASSIONS, et toutes les autres femblables; i. e. tragedy is an imitation, &c. which by the means of terror and pity, completely PURGES or PURIFIES in us, thefe kinds of PASSIONS, and all others of like fort. Our Academician expofes the abfurdity of this version and afks, among other things, what is meant by purifying terror and pity by the means of terror and pity?—and what alfo the transla His 1 |