awakened by a crowd, who were clamoring to have the door opened. He says:

After I got up the light I walked to the front door and opened it, and the men there hallooed to the others at the back door to stop lamming, and they stopped. They then ordered me to cross my hands; I did so. They asked for a rope; I told them there was none. I reckon one of them went up the stairs with a light to get a piece of rope-an old bed-cord or something, and they took a pillow-slip and slipped it over my head and led me into the yard. They asked me my principles, and I told them. They said, "That was what I thought you were."

They asked if I was a Union man or a Democrat. I told them I had always been a Union man. They said they thought so. They carried me off seventy-five or eighty yards from the house. They said, "Here is a limb," and they asked me whether I would rather be shot, hung, or whipped. I told them if it had to be one, I would have to take a whipping. They ordered me to run; I told them I did not wish to do that. Then they commenced on me. Question. What did they do?

Answer. They whipped me.

Q. How?

A. They took little hickories and one thing or another.

2. Was the whipping a severe one?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. How many men were there?

A. I can't say as to that; I thought, from the number around the house, there were twenty or thirty.

Q. How were they dressed?

A. They were disguised.

Q. How were they disguised?

A. With horns and every thing over their faces.

Q. Could you tell who any of them were?

A. No, sir.

Q. What was done after they were through whipping you?

A. They just untied my hands, got on their horses, and went

out.

Q. Did they leave you there?

A. Yes, sir. They told me I must publish my principles.

Q. Would you have published any card of this kind if these men had not required it?

A. No, sir.

Some of the other parties were examined to the same effect, and in one case the requirement was still more humiliating. Mr. John Genobles, a white man, sixty-nine years of age, who had been in the county over forty years, after being dragged from his bed and severely beaten with hickories, was let off

from further punishment on a promise that he would go to the court-house steps and publicly declare himself to be a Dem ocrat, and if he failed to do it he was to be killed. Of course, after such a warning, he fulfilled his promise.

Dr. John Winsmith was a native of Spartanburg, and had resided there since his birth, sixty-eight years. He was a planter and a practicing physician, and was for fifteen years a member of the State Legislature. He is a man of high character and of large acquaintance; but he made up his mind to vote for Governor Scott, and it was reported, as he says, falsely, that he had procured arms and put them into the hands of his negroes. Nothing had occurred to awaken any suspicions on his part, and when he was aroused in the night (March 22, 1871) by strange noises about his yard, he got up and went to the back door, and saw two men, who immediately called out to another portion of the party who were at the front door, "Come around here, boys, here's the d-d rascal!" The doctor then suspected the facts, and, having a couple of pistols where he could lay his hands on them, he fell back for a moment and then reappeared and fired. The men ran, and he followed them around to the front, when he heard noises which indicated a large company. He was met by a volley of balls, and was struck in seven different places; but he used his pistols with so much effect that they fled. He sank down in the yard faint and exhausted with the loss of blood, and for some time his life was despaired of; but he ultimately recovered. They were disguised, and were about thirty in number.

William M. Champion, another Spartanburg man who was whipped a hundred lashes, when asked what it was done for said, all he could hear was that he "was a d-d old radical son of a b-h." When asked what was the effect of these doings on society, he said: "It has thrown us into the woods at night, and we are afraid to be out in the day-time. I have never laid in my bed from the time I was whipped till now."

The awful condition of such a society cannot well be imagined. Hundreds of people slept in the woods for months together, and a feeling of alarm seized all classes of persons, but was general among the negroes. A list was exhibited to the Committee in the examination of P. Q. Camp, Esq., and Rev. Dr. Cummings, particularizing two hundred and twenty-seven

cases of outrage, one hundred and eighteen being in one township, and four of them resulting in death. But the Deputy United States Marshal, C. L. Casy, Esq., says that the list does not cover half the cases, and that the whippings must have reached nearly five hundred. The apprehension was so general that many houses were entirely deserted at night, and the women and children took their blankets and repaired regularly to the woods. In his testimony he says:

A good many in the country told me they were sleeping out, and afraid to stay at home; and I know of men in the lower portion of the county sleeping out that have not slept in their houses since the election last November-in fact, the times have been so here in town that about six or eight of us could not stay at our own houses. We had to club together and lie out every night, first at one place and then at another.

In Union County the county officers all had notices from the Ku-Klux that they must resign, and, understanding too well what would be the result if they did not comply, they sent in their resignations. Of course the state of things was not so bad in all the counties, and hence it was that when the President issued his proclamation, in 1871, suspending the privileges of the writ, he only included the counties which were most infested by these devils in disguise. At the subsequent term of the Circuit Court held under the Ku-Klux Act at Columbus, there were seven hundred and eighty-five indictments. About fifty pleaded guilty, and five were convicted on trial. The Grand Jury in their presentation say: "They have been as much appalled by the number of outrages as at their character, it appearing that eleven murders and over six hundred whippings have been committed in York County alone."

Among the Ku-Klux cases in Alabama there is one which shows how, in some cases, they completely overawed and controlled the courts. In the county of Greene a man named Snoddy had been killed, and three negroes were arrested and thrown into prison, on a charge of having committed the murder. One of them, by the name of Colvin, was, on the preliminary examination, discharged; and he was soon after visited by a band of disguised men and put to death. Alexander Boyd, the prosecuting attorney, whose duty it was to bring the murderers of Colvin to an account, undertook the work, and said he knew the persons who had hung Colvin, and intended

to keep the jury in session six months but he would get them indicted.

He was a single man, and had his home at the hotel on the public square at Eutaw, a village of two thousand inhabitants, and was apparently safe from any danger of a midnight attack. But about eleven o'clock at night, on the 31st of March, 1870, a band of twenty-five disguised men rode into the town, formed in front of the hotel, and then sent a deputation from their number inside to compel the clerk to show them to the room of Mr. Boyd; and, having found their victim, they put two balls through his head, and left him deliberately, assured that there would be no danger of prosecutions henceforth from that quarter. Of course courts and court officers drew the inference that it was rather a dangerous thing to interfere with the Ku-Klux, and became increasingly cautious. Boyd was buried the next day. No arrests were made, no meeting of the bar was called, and not a member attended his funeral. At the next term of the court the Grand Jury reported that they were unable to identify any body connected with the murder, but that the party was traced on their way home to Pickens County.

There is another aspect in which these Ku-Klux operations present themselves, and which was particularly noticeable in Alabama. We refer to their interference in matters of education and religion. From the testimony of Mr. Speed, a regent of the Alabama State University, it appears that the Faculty of that institution was not to the liking of the order, and that they determined to break it up. Mr. Speed is a Southern man, and went to Tuscaloosa to take part in reorganizing the University. While there he was handed a number of Ku-Kux notices to the students, which were hung on a dagger, and the dagger stuck in one of the doors of the University. The following is a copy of one of these notices, directed to a student by the name of Harton. It was signed, "By order of the K. K. K:"

HARTON: They say you are of good Democratic family. If you are, leave the University, and that quick. We don't intend that the concern shall run any longer. This is the second notice you have received; you will get no other. In less than ten days we intend to clean out the concern. We will have good Southern men there or none.

The students thus notified were alarmed, and within the time named left for their homes. One of the reasons for this hostility toward the University was, probably, the election, in 1868, of the Rev. A. S. Lakin as its president, who held his relation to the Methodist Episcopal Church, as contradistinguished from the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, and was therefore an offense to the old Southern master-race. Mr. Lakin was sent South by the authorities of the Methodist Episcopal Church, to organize Churches in its interest, and, beginning his work in the latter part of 1865, had been wonderfully successful. The loyal element naturally gravitated toward him, and the Churches which he formed consequently became the particular object of Ku-Klux hatred. Mr. Lakin, in his testimony, shows some of the obstacles which he and his devoted band of ministers were called to encounter.

Rev. Mr. Sullivan was severely whipped, and while they were inflicting their punishment they warned him that they were bound to kill his Presiding Elder, Mr. Lakin, and that he must preach for the Methodist Church, South, as they were determined that there should be no Methodist Church south of Mason's and Dixon's line but the Church South. Rev. J. A. McCutchen, Presiding Elder, was driven from the Demopolis District in 1868. Rev. James Buchanan was driven from his station. Rev. John W. Tailly, Presiding Elder, was also driven away. Rev. Jesse Kingston was shot. Rev. Mr. Johnson was shot in his pulpit. Rev. James Dorman was whipped in 1869, and driven away in 1870. Rev. Mr. Dean was whipped, and left for dead, having had both of his arms broken. Rev. George Taylor was whipped. And a colored preacher and his son were murdered.

He tells us that in his district six churches were burned by incendiaries, four of them within six weeks of the election, (1870), and that a great many school-houses suffered the same fate. He kept a memorandum of the outrages committed in his district, and his notes include thirty-five murders and three hundred and seventy-one whippings.

In Mississippi the schools were even more the subject of KuKlux attention than in Alabama. In Pontotoc County, where the white population largely predominate, there were fifty-two white and twelve colored schools, and the teachers of both