were mostly from the South, and only about one tenth of them were Republicans; but in April, 1871, the teachers of the colored schools were generally called on by the Ku-Klux, and warned that if they did not stop teaching they would be dealt with. One of them disregarded the call and received a second warning, and was generally believed to have been whipped; but whether this was so or not, he abandoned his school.

The breaking up of these schools was not on account of the political predilections of the teachers, for it was ascertained that all but one were Democrats. Col. Flourney, the superintendent, was called on by the Ku-Klux, but was warned of his danger and met them with arms, and one of them was mortally wounded.

Col. A. P. Huggins had been an officer in the Union army, and went into Mississippi to reside in 1865. He at first rented a plantation in Monroe County, which he cultivated till 1867, when he became an officer of the Freedman's Bureau and removed to Jackson. In 1869 he went back to Monroe, and was appointed Assistant Assessor of Internal Revenue; and the next year was made County Superintendent of Schools.

On the 8th of March (1870) he went into the country some eight or ten miles from Aberdeen, the county town, and was engaged during the day in visiting schools, and on the following day, after attending to his duties as assessor and visiting more schools, he went by invitation to spend the night with a Mr. Ross. That night Mr. Huggins was called on in a very civil way by a well-disciplined company of Ku-Klux, numbering one hundred and twenty persons; and he and Mr. Ross, at the bidding of a deputation, went out into the yard to answer the summons of the chief. What then occurred we leave him to tell in his own words:

When I got down to the fence I asked the chief if he would now state my little bit cf warning. He said the decree of the camp was that I should leave the county and State in ten days. He told me that the rule of the camp was, 1. To give the warning; 2. To enforce obedience to their laws by whipping; 3. To kill by the Klan; 4. If that was not done, and obedience was still refused, to kill privately by assassination or otherwise. They said that I was collecting obnoxious taxes from Southern gentlemen to keep d-d old radicals in office; that they wanted me to understand that no laws should be enforced there that they did not make themselves; that they did not like my general radical

ways. I asked them if their operations were against the radical party; they said they were; that they had suffered and endured the radical sway as long as they could; that the radicals had oppressed them with taxation; that they were oppressing them all the time, and that I was the instrument of collecting the taxes; that they had stood it just as long as they could, and that this was their way of getting rid of it; that they were bound to rid themselves of radicals, if it took the killing of them, or something to that effect. There was a colored school and a white school in the neighborhood. I knew most of the men there were from that neighborhood; I asked them with reference to Mr. Davis's school; that was the white school, where I supposed the most of their children were attending; I asked them if they were not satisfied with his school. They said, "No;" that they liked Davis well enough as a teacher, but that they were opposed to the free-school system entirely; that the whites could do as they had always done before; that they could educate their own children; that so far as the negroes were concerned they did not need educating, only to work. They said they had no objection to Davis at all, but that they could manage their own affairs without the State or the United States sending such as I was there to educate their children, and at the same time to educate the negroes too. After the conversation on the school subject closed, one of them said, "Well, sir, what do you say to our warning? Will you leave?" I told them I should leave Monroe County at my pleasure, and not untill I got ready. The captain then said to me, "Sir, you say you will not leave; you will not obey our warning?" I said I would not obey; that I would leave when I got ready, and not before; that I would not be driven from any place. The gate was then thrown open, and the fence was climbed by twenty men in a moment. I was surrounded and disarmed; the pistol that I had had until that time was taken away. They then took me between an eighth and a quarter of a mile down the rond, and came to a hill, where they stopped; they then asked me if I was still of the same opinionthat I would not leave the county; I told them I was; that I would not leave. They said they should hate very much to interfere with me; that they had made promises to Mr. Ross and myself; that I had really not been obnoxious to them only in the tax line, and that they would not like to interfere with me, for they counted me as a gentleman; that all they wanted was to get rid of me from the county and from the State; that I could not stay there. They said that if I would promise them, I should go back to my bed and sleep quietly, and they would all go on home; they really urged in every way that it was possible for men to do to get me to promise to leave the county and the State without any violence. They then showed me a rope with a noose, and said that was for such as myself who were stubborn; that if I did not consent to leave I should die; that dead men tell no tales. At this time I saw a man coming from toward the horses; he had a stirrup-strap some inch and a quarter in width, and at least an

eighth of an inch thick; it was very stout leather; the stirrup was a wooden one. As he came up he threw down the wooden stirrup and came on toward me, and I saw that he was intending to hit me with the strap; that that was the weapon they intended to use first. He came on, and without further ceremony at all-I was in my shirt-sleeves-he struck me two blows, calling out, "One, two," and said, "Now, boys, count." They counted every lash they gave me. The first man gave me ten blows himself, standing on my left side, striking over my left arm and on my back; the next one gave me five blows. Then a fresh hand took it and gave me ten blows; that made twenty-five. They then stopped, and asked me again if I would leave the county. I still refused, and told them that now they had commenced they could go just as far as they pleased; that all had been done that I cared for; that I would as soon die then as to take what I had taken. They continued to strike their blows on my back in the same way until they had reached fifty. None of them struck more than ten blows, some of them only three, and some as low as two. They said they all wanted to get a chance at me; that I was stubborn and just such a man as they liked to pound. When they had struck me fifty blows they stopped again and asked me if I would leave; I told them I would not. Then one of the strongest and most burly in the crowd took the strap himself and gave me twenty-five blows without stopping; that made seventy-five; I heard them say, "Seventy-five." At that time my strength gave way entirely; I grew dizzy and cold; I asked for my coat; that is the last I remember for several minutes. When I recovered myself they were still about me; I was standing; I do not think I had been down; they must have held me up all the time. I heard them say, "He is not dead yet; dead men tell no tales." But still they all seemed disposed, as I thought, to let me go; I heard no threatening, except what passed a few moments afterward. They passed in front of me, and drew their pistols and showed them to me; they told me that if I was not gone within ten days they were all sworn in their camp, and sworn positively, that they would kill me, either privately or publicly.

With that warning they left him with Mr. Ross, on whose advice he went into the gin-house to await the light of the coming day, fearing there might be a return, and he ultimately made his way back to Aberdeen without further molestation.

In April two of the board of school directors who had voted for the school tax were warned to resign and complied without hesitation. About the same time all the teachers on the east side of the river (Tombigbee) were notified to close their schools, and twenty-six schools were immediately suspended. The warnings were given in a body at night, and among the warned was Miss Sarah A. Allen, a lady sent by a missionary society

from Geneseo, Illinois. Eighty Ku-Klux visited her in a body at twelve o'clock at night, calling her from her bed and ordering her to close her school on Wednesday, which she did. Mr. Huggins says, "She is a highly educated and accomplished young lady."

But the space prescribed for this article will not allow further details. There are thirteen volumes of testimony full of just such statements, and indicating a condition of society not to be paralleled in any civilized country. But the acts set forth need no illustration. They speak for themselves. What we have aimed at is to deal with the better class of these raids in which some ceremony is always observed, and which are free from much of the coarseness and vulgarity which characterize the assaults on low persons; and we have taken them from different States, and from points widely separated, in order to show that there must have been unity of design and purpose; and that where the spirit and action were so manifestly alike, it must have been produced by organization springing from the same source.

Happily the prompt measures of the President, taken under the Ku-Klux Act and embracing the numerous arrests, to which some reference has been made, and the trial and conviction of many of the guilty persons engaged in these raids, has pretty much put an end to them; while the exposure of individual members, and the obvious tendency of their acts, has produced such a wholesome influence on Southern society as will probably prevent any general recurrence of these monstrous crimes.

ART. V.-YOUNG ROUMANIA.

DURING the last few years public attention has been so frequently attracted to events transpiring within the domain of those principalities of the Lower Danube that have lately assumed the high-sounding title of Roumania, that we think a few pages devoted to the discussion of the past history, present condition, and future prospects of this new nationality may not be unacceptable.

As regards the past we shall be very brief, in view of the deep interest attaching to its present deeds and status. The

three provinces of Wallachia and that of Moldavia, extending along the left bank of the Danube from the Hungarian frontier to the Black Sea and the Russian boundary, claim to be the principal seat of ancient Dacia, a province founded by the Romans under Trajan, after a long and desperate conflict with the native tribes. The Romans held the region until the reign of Aurelianus, when they were gradually conquered or driven. away by the inroads of the Goths, Vandals, and other Germanic tribes.

The Roman influence, however, remained, and, through varying fortunes in numerous conflicts, seems in some portion of the territory to have held its own against the aggressions of Greeks and Turks in many and bitter strifes. In certain portions of Wallachia a corruption of the Roman tongue has been preserved, and the people assume to speak the Latin as a living language. But it is so corrupted and debased by being long commingled with native idioms, that it amounts to a figure of speech to call it Latin. But the people cling with ludicrous tenacity to the legends of their early history, and, therefore, when, a few years ago, they succeeded in so far breaking away from the trammels of the surrounding nations as to found a separate nationality, they gave to it the name of Roumania, in view of their descent from ancient Rome.

This, however, has proved a very unfortunate whim, for it has placed them in continual antagonism with themselves and their neighbors, and induced them to strive after and imitate a grade of civilization of which they in reality have no conception. They are surrounded by nationalities so various in character, and so widely different in tendencies, that under the most favorable circumstances they would find themselves in direct contrast with some of them; but by their endeavor to clothe a totally undeveloped people with all the paraphernalia of a high degree of civilization, they only succeed in producing the grossest incongruities.

For many years these provinces have held a peculiar relation to the Sublime Porte, which has given them a sort of protectorate, while it has made them at the same time tributary. This state of things has, perhaps, insured their existence, for the jealousy of the Great Powers in regard to any thing to which Turkey might lay a claim has alone prevented Rou