hood was thus compelled on the one side to mitigate the operation of these penalties in the Church; every method was tried on the other side to aggravate their disadvantageous political conse

iter italicum of Henry VII., records (Muratori ix. 903) that even in the King's Council it was determined (in the year 1311) to ask the Cardinal-Legate who accompanied him, si ipse posset virtute suae auctoritatis ponere sententiam excommunicationis contra illos, qui nollent obedire, quod requireretur. Ego missus ad dominum Legatum. Copiam suae literae mihi dedit, quae plenissima ad omnia ista facienda erat. Ipse mihi dixit secrete, et voluit quod domino Regi dicerem, quomodo paruin Italici curant de excommunicationibus alicubi. Et posuit exemplum de Florentinis, qui sententias domini Ostiensis parum curaverunt. Item de Bononiensibus, qui sententias domini Napoleonis vilipenderunt. Item domini de Peregrue sententias Mediolanenses non curaverunt. Unde nisi gladius materialis eos ducat ratione timoris ad obedientiam, gladius spiritualis non.

In the case of the Ban for instance: Gregory VII. in Conc. Rom. ann. 1078 (Mansi xx. 506. in Gratian. P. ii. caus. xi. qu. 3. c. 103) Quoniam multos-pro causa excommunicationis perire quotidie cernimus, partim ignorantia, partim nimia simplicitate, partim timore, partim etiam necessitate; devicti misericordia, anathematis sententiam ad tempus, prout possumus, opportune temperamus. Apostolica itaque auctoritate ab anathematis vinculo hos subtrahimus; videlicet uxores, liberos, servos, ancillas, seu mancipia, necnon rusticos servientes, et omnes alios, qui non adeo curiales sunt, ut eorum consilio scelera perpetrentur, et eos, qui ignoranter excommunicatis communicant, sive illos, qui communicant cum eis, qui excommunicatis communicant. Quicunque autem orator, sive peregrinus, aut viator in terram excommunicatorum devenerit, ubi non possit emere, vel non habeat unde emat, ab excommunicatis accipiendi licentiam damus. Et si quis excommunicatis non in sustentationem superbiae, sed humanitatis causa dare aliquid voluerit, non prohibemus. In case of Interdict: Besides the privileges granted to certain corporations (see Raumer vi. 216) Alexander III. appointed (Decret. Greg. lib. iv. tit. 1. cap. 11) baptismum parvulorum et poenitentias morientium in the time of an interdict. Innocent III. (ibid. lib v. tit. 39 c. 43) charged the Bishop of Ferrara baptizatos pueros in frontibus consignare: Gregory IX. (ibid. c. 57): semel in hebdomada, non pulsatis campanis, voce submissa, januis clausis, excommunicatis et interdictis exclusis, Missarum solemnia celebrare, causa conficiendi corpus Domini, quod decedentibus in poenitentia non negatur. Lastly Boniface VIII. (Sexti Decretal. lib. v. tit. 11. c. 24): A nostris dudum fuit praedecessoribus constitutum, ut in terris seu locis, ecclesiastico suppositis interdicto, nulla (certis casibus et sacramentis exceptis) divina celebrentur officia, vel ministrentur ecclesiastica sacramenta. Quia vero ex districtione hujusmodi statutorum excrescit indevotio populi, pullulant haereses, et infinita pericula animarum insurgunt, ac Ecclesiis sine culpa earum debita obsequia subtrahuntur,-concedimus, quod tempore interdicti— non

5

quences. In Germany it seemed after long resistance to reach its end in view during the quarrels in the early part of the 13th century. In France, however, it could not find an entrance for

tantummodo morientes, sed etiam viventes, tam sani etiam quam infirmi, ad poenitentiam-licite admittantur, dum tamen excommunicati non fuerint.—Adjicimus praeterea, quod singulis diebus in Ecclesiis et monasteriis Missae celebrentur, et alia dicantur divina officia sicut prius, submissa tamen voce et januis clausis, excommunicatis ac interdictis exclusis, et campanis etiam non pulsatis.-In festivitatibus vero natalis Domini, Paschae, ac Pentecostes, et adsumtionis Virginis gloriosae, campanae pulsentur, et januis apertis alta voce divina officia solemniter celebrentur, excommunicatis prorsus exclusis, sed interdictis admissis. 5 The ecclesiastical Ban was to be immediately followed by secular outlawry: Urbanus ii. in Gratianus P. ii. caus. xxiii. qu. 5. c. 47: Non etiam eos homicidas arbitramur, quos adversus excommunicatos zelo catholicae matris ardentes, aliquos eorum trucidasse contigerit.

Eugenius P. iii. epist. ad Wibaldum Abb. ann. 1152 (in Martene ampliss. collect. ii. 553) complains on this head, quod in curia Ulmae habita malitiose in Ecclesiarum destructionem noviter est a laicis introductum, quod qui pro rapinis et incendiis ecclesiasticis bonis illatis excommunicationi subduntur, novo judicio excommunicatos dedicant (i. e. negent), nisi prius in laicorum judicio damnationis sententia feriantur. (From this passage Harenberg drew his materials for the year 1152 in the forged continuation of the Corveyer Annalen in his Monumentis historicis adhuc ineditis, Brunsvig. 1762, i. 72. On this forgery in general see the critical examination of the Chron. Corbejense by Hirsch and Waits, Berlin 1839. s. 98. 106. Pertz monum. Germ. vii. 2). Probably these agitations in the imperial court were the result of the Arnoldiau maxims prevalent in Rome at that time, which were often enough brought forward by the Romans in their negotiations with the Emperor. (See above § 51 note 10 and 20). Nevertheless the following passage is to be found in Sachsenspiegel Buch 3. Art. 63: Bann schadet der seile, und nemet doch neymande syn liiff, und krenket neymande to lantrechte, dar en volge des Koninges achte na, see above §. 55. not. 13.

7 Philip of Swabia had offered so early as 1203, generalem legem statuam, ut quicunque excommunicatus fuerit a domino Apostolico, in banno statim sit imperiali (see above §. 54. not 16.) Frederick II. granted to the German Bishops in the Confoederatio of 1220 (see above § 55. not. 1) the rule (in Pertz iv. 236): Excommunicatio non eximat eos a respondendo impetentibus, sed sine Advocatis; perimat autem in eis jus et potestatem ferendi sententias, testimonia, et alios impetendi. Et quia gladius materialis constitutus est in subsidium gladii spiritualis; excommunicationem, si excommunicatos in ea ultra sex septimanas perstitisse-constiterit, nostra proscriptio subsequetur; non revocanda, nisi prius excommunicatio revocetur. This rule (between the years 1270 and 1285) was also adopted into the Schwabenspiegel cap. 3.

8

them, not even under Lewis IX. This King rather asserted the right in this country to reduce the spiritual power of punishment to its proper limits, where it allowed itself in injustice.9

8 Compare especially what his constant companion Joinville relates in his hist. de saint Louis (Collection des mémoires relatifs à l'hist. de France depuis Phil. Auguste, par Petitot. t. ii. Paris 1819. p. 185.) At one time the French Prelates came together before the King, and Guy, Bishop of Auxerre, thus addrest him in their name: Sire, sachez que tous ces prelatz, qui cy sont en vostre presance, me font dire, que vous lessez perdre tout la chrestienté, et qu'elle se pert entre vos mains. Adonc le bon Roy se signe de la croiz, et dit : Evesque, or me dittes, commant il se fait, et par quelle raison. Sire, fist l'evesque, c'est pour ce qu'on ne tient plus compte des excommuniés. Car aujourd'hui un homme aymeroit mieulx mourir tout excommunié, que de se faire absouldre, et ne veult nully faire satisfaction à l'Eglise. Pourtant, Sire, ilz vous requirent tous à une voiz pour Dieu, et pour ce que ainsi le devez faire, qu'il vous plaise commander à tous vos baillifz, prevostz, et autres administrateurs de justice: que où il sera trouvé aucun en vostre royaume, qui aura esté an et jour continuellement excommunié, qu'ilz le contraignent à se faire absouldre par la prinse de ses biens. Et le saint homme respondit, que tresvolontiers le commanderoit faire de ceulx, qu'on trouveroit estre torçonniers (injurious) à l'Eglise et à son presme (proximum). Et l'evesque dit, qu'il ne leur appartenoit à cognoistre de leurs causes. Et à ce respondit le Roy, qu'il ne le feroit autrement. Et disoit, que ce seroit contre Dieu et raison, qu'il fist contraindre à soy faire absouldre ceulx, à quis les cleres feroient tort, et qu'ilz ne fussent oiz en leur bon droit. Et de ce leur donna exemple du conte de Bretaigne, qui par sept ans a plaidoié contre les prelatz de Bretaigne tout excommunié, et finablement a si bien conduite et menée sa cause, que nostre saint Pere le Pape les a condampnez envers icelui conte de Bretaigne. Parquoy disoit, que si dès la première année il eust voulu contraindre icelui conte de Bretaigne à soy faire absouldre, il lui eust convenu laisser à iceulx prelatz contre raison ce qu'ilz lui demandoient outre son vouloir : et que en ce faisant il eust grandement meffait envers Dieu et envers ledit conte de Bretaigne. Après lesquelles choses ouyes pour tous iceuls prelatz. il leur suffisit de la bonne responce du Roy; et onques puis ne ouy parler, qu'il fust fait demande de telles choses.

9 In the dijudication of Lewis IX. between the Archbishop and Burghers of Rheims, who had been excommunicated by him in (1235), we find (Preuves des libertés de l'église Gall. ch. xxxvi. no. 3): Absolventur autem dicti cives a dicto Archiepiscopo in forma Ecclesiae, et emendabunt injurias eidem Archiepiscopo illatas de quibus isti duo (two royal commissioners) videbunt emendandum esse.-Et si quae excommunicationes inventae fuerint injuste latae, pro illis prorsus nulla fiet emenda. Thus Philip the Bold summons the Bishop of Paris before the next Parliament, because two Barons have appealed ab audientia vestra ad nostram curiam super quodam judicio tanquam a

pravo et falso dato in vestra curia (ibid. no. 4.) Thus the Parliament of Paris in the year 1303 decides on the appeal of a certain count, against the Archbishop of Lyons, who had laid his land under an interdict (ibid. no. 8), quod temporalitas praedicti Archiepiscopi Lugdun. ad manum nostram ponetur, et tenebitur, quousque per ipsum fuerint dicta attemptata-totaliter revocata. Thus also the Appellationes ab abusu, Appellations comme d'abus, now already begin to appear, the further construction of these is due to Peter Cugnières, advocate general under Philip of Valois, J. P. Brewer's Gesch. d. franz. Gerichtsverfassung Th. 2 (Düsseldorf 1837), s. 40.

SEVENTH CHAPTER.

HISTORY OF THE HERETICAL SECTS.

§ 87.

IN THE TWELFTH CENTURY.

C. du Plessis d' Argentré collectio judiciorum de novis erroribus, qui ab initio duodecimi saeculi usque ad annum 1632 in Ecclesia proscripti sunt et notati. Lutet. Paris. (Tomi iii. 1728. fol.) T. I. J. C. Fuesslin's Kirchenund Ketserhistorie der mittlern Zeit (3 Theile, Frankf. u. Leipz. 177074) i. 56. H. Schmid der Mysticismus des Mittelalters in seiner Entstehungsperiode. Jena 1824. s. 433 ff. Dr Chr. v. Hahn's Gesch. d. Ketser im Mittelalter, bef. im 11. 12. u. 13. Jahrh. (2 Bde. Stuttgart 1845 u. 47) Bd. 1. Gesch. d. neumanichäischen Ketser.

Whilst the Hierarchy, unmindful of its spiritual calling, was entangling itself in ceaseless warfare, in order to bring all secular power under its sway: Whilst the system of ecclesiastical doctrines, with its progressive development, was enclosing the reason with bonds ever narrowing: Whilst the means of salvation held out by the Church, were at the same time ever more and more losing their spiritual character, and their moral power, by the one-sided speculations of the Schoolmen, and also sinking to a lifeless mechanism in their administration by a coarse Priesthood which had lost all respect for morality: Lastly, whilst this tortuous Church-system, despairing of any spiritual influence, was endeavouring to win consideration for itself by continual acts of external aggression; it could not but be, that the rebellions against the Church, which in earlier times came forward but one by one, should now be growing more numerous and more powerful. The earlier divisions in the Church employed themselves for the most part, only in speculations of the understanding: and even for this very reason the Church always succeeded, so