$ 55. HONORIUS III. (1216-1227.) GREGORY IX. (1227—1241.) Principal sources: From this time Raynaldi ann. eccles. are important, because of their extracts from the unprinted "Regestis" of the Popes. Raumer Gesch. d. Hohenstaufen iii. 311, has contributed some new extracts, in translations, from the Regestis Honorii III., and Greg. IX. (MSS. in the Vatican Library and the Archives.) Besides these are Frederick the Second's Letters in the Epistles of his Chancellor, Petri de Vineis epistolarum libb. vi. ed. Sim. Schardius. Basil. 1566. 8. novam edit. adjectis var. lectt. curavit J. R. Iselius. Basil. 1740. 2 Tomi. 8., also in Martene ampliss. collect. ii. 1134, in Baluzii miscellan. i. 446, in Hahnii collectio monumentorum i. 209, in Matthaeus Paris and Raynaldus.-The Historian is Richardus de S. Germ. (see before 2 54.) When the young Emperor, Frederick II., set free from his cramping state of tulelage by the death of Innocent III. sought to attain a more independent position in his kingdom, he would undoubtedly at first have fallen out with the Roman see, which had now reached the pinnacle of its power, had not the personal character of the new Pontiff, Honorius III., been mild and yielding. Thus he suffered himself to be reasoned into acquiescence, when Frederick caused his son, Henry, who had been already appointed King of Sicily, to be chosen King of Germany also (April 1220),1 Compare the same author in Lachmann s. 25: Küne Constantin der gap sô vil, als ich ez iu bescheiden wil, dem stuol ze Rôme, sper, kriuz unde krône. owe, owê, zem dritten wê! ê (vordem) stuont diu kristenheit mit zühten schône : Der ist ein gift nû gevallen, ir honec ist worden zeiner gallen. daz wird der werlt hernâch vil leit. alle fürsten lebent nû mit êren, daz hât der pfaffen wal gemachet. die pfaffen wellent leien reht verkêren. der engel hât uns wâr geseit. Also Johannes de Parrhisiis (see below § 59, note 36) quotes from a vita Sylvestri: quod in donatione illa audita est vox angelorum, dicentium in aëre: Hodie in Ecclesia venenum effusum est. 1 He won over the German Prelates, by the grant of further privileges and allowed him notwithstanding to be crowned Emperor (22. Nov. 1220.)2 In the same manner Frederick met with but little opposition from the Pope, when he afterwards began to restore in his Sicilian dominions, the rights of the crown, which had been almost forgotten during the Papal Protectorate. With regard to the subjection of Lombardy, Frederick's aim in the diet of Cremona (1226) and the renewal of the Lombard League occasioned thereby, the Pope indeed openly took the side of the latter. When, however, Frederick soon seemned to forego this enterprize, it did not interrupt his relations with the Pope. in the confederatio cum Principibus ecclesiasticis, Francof. 6 Kal. Maji 1220 in Pertz iv. 236. Frederick's communication of this to the Pope is in Raynald. ann. 1220. no. 12 ss., in which he says (no. 16) Videtur autem nobis, quod--non ob aliud promotionem nostri filii gravem fertis, nisi quia de unione Regni cum Imperio dubitatis. Quod equidem timere, aut suspicari non debet Ecclesia mater nostra.Absit enim, quod Imperium commune aliquid habere debeat cum Regno: -tales nos exhibebimus apostolicae Sanctitati, quod merito gaudere poterit mater Ecclesia talem filium procreasse. Nam etsi in Regno jus aliquod Ecclesia non haberet, et nos sine haerede decedere legitimo eveniret, prius ipso Romanam Ecclesiam quam Imperium dotaremus. cf. J. D. Ritter diss. de electione Henrici VII. Vitemb. 1752. 4. Raumer iii. 329. 2 The juramentum which Frederick drew up in Hagenau Sept. 1219, and promised to take at his coronation (in Raynald. 1274. no. 4. Pertz iv. 232. Spicilegium Rom. vi. 239), is to the same purport, as the engagement of 1213 (§ 54, note 17 and 20.) Here according to Pertz in the promissio, but not in the juramentum, after the words adjutores etiam erimus ad defendendum Ecclesiae Romanae regnum Siciliae,i s found the addition, nec non Corsicam et Sardiniam, which in Raynald. 1213 no. 25 is falsely introduced also into the promissio of 1213. The documents on the coronatio Romana are in Pertz. iv. 240: especially the constitution granted by the Emperor on his coronation day, for the liberties of the Church and clergy, against heretics, against the right of appropriating stranded goods, for the protection of foreigners and agriculturists 1. c. p. 243, also in Corpus juris civilis ed. Kriegel. P. iii. (ed. E. Osenbrüggen) p. 884. 3 The epistle of Honorius to Frederick ann. 1226, which especially illustrates these circumstances, Miranda tuis sensibus etc. (Raumer iii. 400) is printed at length in Mansi xxiii. 91 (by mistake as an epistle of Gregory IX.) and in the Notices et extraits ii. 258. On his mediations in party politics Raumer iii. 409. Godofred. Mon. ad. ann. 1226 speaks directly to the point: P. Honorius-mittens Alatrinum Capellanum suum, cujus suggestione Mediolanum et multae civitates complices contra Imperatorem conjuraverunt, facientes collegium, quod Longobardorum societas per multa tempora est vocatum. Because of these engagements in the internal arrangement of his realms, the Emperor had continually put off the promised Crusade to a future time, regardless of the repeated exhortations of the Pope, and regardless of the fact that since his marriage with Jolante (1225) he styled himself King of Jerusalem,5 in opposition to King John of Brienne. In the compact of St Germano (1225) the Crusade was at last fixed for August 1227;6 but when the Emperor, compelled by sickness, then desired fresh delay, the yielding Honorius was dead († 18. March 1227) and the rash and headstrong Gregory IX. forthwith pronounced sentence of excommunication against Frederick." 5 That the fault of delay was not only to be laid to the Emperor's charge, but also to the abatement of interest in these enterprizes, see Raumer iii. 322 f., 327, 359, 382 ff., 419. Wilken vi. 359. 6 Rich. de S. Germano p. 998 and truly: Haec capitula-promisit Imperator se publice servaturum excommunicatione adjecta in se et terram suam, si haec non fuerint observata. 7 In the bull of excommunication in Matth. Paris p. 345 ss., and in Mansi xxiii. 40, the delay of the Crusade Raynald 1227 no. 30 ss. is the only reason given: on the other hand Frederick relates in his epist. ad commune Cesenense (Hahnii collectio monumentorum i. 212): [Rom. Pontifex] die Jovis ante festum Paschae cum populum ex diversis mundi partibus pro diei solennitate in sui praesentia congregatum deberet ad liberationem terrae sanctae-invitare, ac de praesenti transitu nostro gratam facere mentionem, negotium Mediolanensium ac aliorum quorundam proditorum nostrorum coram omni populo, proh pudor! in medium introduxit procedens contra nos, ut per hoc manifestissime cognoscatur, quod, ex quo non habuit, ut incepit, pro negotio terrae sanctae contra nos justam materiam procedendi,— deficientibus justis causis rem inconvenientem assumsit.-Videat ergo universitas vestra,-si a saeculo est auditum, quod adversus aliquem Romanum Principem pro suis proditoribus fuerit umquam tam indecenter a Pontifice Romano processum. Frederick protests in his epist. ad univ. Reges et Principes christ. (Matth. Paris p. 347): se non frivolis excusationibus, sicut ei Papa mendose imposuit, a peregrinatione illius causa, reversum inchoata, sed maximae infirmitatis testimonium invocans, qui est testis in caelo fidelis. Affirmavit insuper, quia quam citius sibi Deus prosperitatem praestiterit corporalem, votum suae peregrinationis, sicut decet Imperatorem, cum honore congruo persolvere Domino procurabit. In his epist. ad Anglorum Regem (ibid. p. 348) he makes this statement, Romanam Ecclesiam tanto jam avaritiae succensam incendio, et concupiscentia manifesta, quod bonis ecclesiasticis non sibi pro voto sufficientibus, Imperatores, Reges et Principes exhaeredare et tributarios constituere non veretur. There is an extract from his epist. ad Principes Allemanniae in chron. Ursperg. ad h. a. Compare Wilken vi. 426. 1 super hoc When, however, he commenced the Crusade (11. Aug. 1228, Fifth Crusade), public opinion quickly turned in his favour," especially when he concluded an advantageous truce for ten years (March 1229) with Kamel, Sultan of Egypt,1o notwithstanding the internal confusion of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, and the effects of the ban which followed him into Palestine; and the Pope was censured on all sides, when he suffered Apulia to be overrun by his armies, although he was invited by Frederick's Sicilian 8 Raumer iii. 431. Schlosser III. ii. i. 148. Wilken vi. 452. 9 The contemporary Conrad, Abbot of Auersberg, (chron. Ursp. ad ann. 1227) gives his opinion: Hic [Gregorius IX.] tanquam superbus -coepit excommunicare Fridericum Imperatorem pro causis frivolis et falsis, et postposito omni ordine judiciario. 10 See the conditions of this peace, and the encyclic letters, in which Frederick communicated it to the Pope and western Princes, in Pertz iv. 260. On the other side there is the notice sent by Gerold Patriarch of Jerusalem to the Pope (Raynald. ann. 1229 no. 3 ss.) and ad universos Christi Fideles (in Matth. Paris p. 359 s.) In the first he makes this complaint among others: Imperatori Soldanus audiens, quod secundum morem Saracenicum se haberet, misit cantatrices, quae et saltatrices dicuntur, et joculatores, personas quidem non solum infames, verum etiam de quibus inter Christianos haberi mentio non deberet. Cum quibus idem Princeps hujus mundi vigiliis, potationibus et indumentis, et omni more Saracenico se gerebat etc. The Pope, however, knew still more (Matth. Paris p. 361): Audierat enim idem Papa de Imperatore praefato multa detestanda, quae faciebat contra legem christianam, quorum tenorem in scriptum redigens, per diversas orbis partes literis apostolicis publicare procuravit. In these even this was said among other things: Veruntamen manifeste videbatur, quod magis approbaret (secundum quod perpendi poterat per gestus exteriores) legem Saracenorum, quam fidei nostrae, quia in multis ritus eorum imitatus est. Frederick had intercourse before now with Saracens in Sicily, especially with men of learning (for the removal of the Saracens in 1223 from Sicily to Luceria in Apulia, see Recherches sur les monuments et l'histoire des Normands et de la maison de Souabe dans l'Italie méridionale, publiées par le Duc de Luynes. Paris 1844 fol.) The servant at the Mosque of Omar in Jerusalem, who showed the Emperor round it, gave this opinion of him (Reinaud extraits des historiens arabes relatifs aux guerres des croisades p. 431): Ses discours montraient assez, qu'il ne croyait pas à la religion chrétienne ; quand il en parlait, c'était pour s'en railler. Gemal-ed-din, who came as ambassador to Manfred about 1260, says of Frederick (Abulfedae annal. Muslem iv. 349): erat Imperator vir inter Francorum Principes ingenii dotibus excellens, philosophiae et logices et medicinae amans, animo in Muslemos propensus, quod valde mirum in eo non est, cum in Sicilia, cujus incolae plurimi Muslemi sunt, adolevit. 11 Viceroy, Rainold, Duke of Spoleto. However, the Papal army (clavigeri) was soon chased away by the Emperor on his return; and though all the efforts of the Pope to raise the people against Frederick remained without any adequate result,12 and in Ger 11 Gregory indeed wrote to his Legate in France (in Matth. Paris p. 348 s.) Adhuc pro certo scias quod licet dictus Imperator cum paucis militibus mare dicitur intrasse, contra patrimonium Ecclesiae magnum exercitum Christianorum et Saracenorum multitudinem destinavit (how groundless this charge was, see Raumer iii. 445, 453).-Cum igitur ex officio-providere cogimur, ne minister Machometi in Christi ministros diutius valeat desaevire,-Dilectioni tuae-mandamus, quatenus-haec solenniter praedicans Christi fidelibus, ut pro statu fidei et religionis observantia stent ex animo, tanquam prosequentes singuli proprium interesse etc. Still Conrad of Lichtenau (1. c.) gives as his judgment: Papa captata occasione de absentia Imperatoris copiosum exercitum destinavit in Apuliam, et terras Imperatoris in servitio Christi demorantis, quod nefandissimum est dicere, abstulit, et sibi subegit, et crucesignatos, ne transfretarent, omni studio prohibuit, tam in Apulia, quam in Lombardia. Quis talia facta recte considerans non deploret et detestetur, quae indicium videntur, et quoddam portentum, et prodigium ruentis Ecclesiae? A Minnesinger, who had taken part in the Crusade, condemns, indeed, the Emperor's intimacy with the Sultan, but still more the hostile demeanour of the clergy towards the Emperor, who had nevertheless done so much in Palestine, see Bridankes courtesy in W. Grimm, Göttingen 1834, s. 154 ff. Compare the Preface s. xliii. e. g. s. 160: got unt der keiser hânt erlôst ein grap, de ist aller kristen trôst. so sol man in ûs banne lân. desn wellent Rômaer lîhte niht : 12 About his Lombard allies he utters bitter complaints (Rayn. ann. 1229 no. 33): Utinam nunquam Lombardi se nostris obsequiis obtulissent! utinam nunquam ab ipsis aliquod auxilium sperassemus, quoniam satis alias honori Ecclesiae consulere poteramus, nisi quia nolentes eis subtrahere dexteram adjutricem supplicationibus et promis G |