neque id intrare Iugurtham sinam. praeterea siquid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis.'

111. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. denique regi patefecit, 5 quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros. faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua retulisse videretur : id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae haberet. quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurumum deberetur; 10 amicitiam foedus Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tunc ultro adventuram. rex primo negitare, cognationem affinita- 2 tem, praeterea foedus intervenisse. ad hoc metuere ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos avorteret, quis et Iugurtha carus et Romani invisi erant. denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et 3 15 ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit.. ceterum ad 4 simulandam pacem, cuius Numida defessus bello avidissumus erat, quae utilia visa constituunt. ita conposito dolo digrediuntur. 112. at rex postero die Asparem Iugurthae legatum appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, posse 20 condicionibus bellum poni; quam ob rem regis sui sententiam exquireret. ille laetus in castra Iugurthae proficiscitur. 2 deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei nuntiat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum confidere: 23 saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam frustra fuisse. ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et 8 ratam pacem vellet, daret operam ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur ibique sibi Sullam traderet. cum talem virum in potestatem habuisset, tum fore uti iussu 30 senatus aut populi foedus fieret, neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate relictum iri. 118. haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus parum conperimus.

sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes sic mobiles, 2 saepe ipsae sibi advorsae. postea tempore et loco constituto in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo modo Iugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. 5 8 sed nocte ea, quae proxuma fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim inmutata voluntate remotis dicitur secum ipse multum agitavisse, voltu et oculis pariter atque animo varius: quae scilicet tacente ipso occulta 4 pectoris patefecisse. tamen postremo Sullam accersi iubet et ro 5 ex illius sententia Numidae insidias tendit. deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillumum visu insidiantibus. • eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, uti 15 dictum erat, adcedit ac statim signo dato undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.

114. Per idem tempus advorsum Gallos ab ducibus nostris 2 Q. Caepione et Cn. Manlio male pugnatum. quo metu Italia ao omnis contremuit. illimque usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse, cum 8 Gallis pro salute non pro gloria certari. sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Iugurtham Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus est et ei decreta ag provincia Gallia isque calendis Ianuariis magna gloria consul 4 triumphavit. et ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae.

NOTES

THE CATILINARIAN CONSPIRACY.

THE grammarians variously refer to this treatise as the Catilina, Catilinae bellum, Catilinae historia, Catilinarium bellum, and Catili. narium. The MSS. have also different titles for it.

Quintilian remarks that the prefaces of Sallust are inappropriate, 'nihil ad historiam pertinentibus principiis orsus est' (3. 10). He might also have criticized the undue length of the general remarks in so short a treatise.

P. 49, l. 1. omnis, for the accus. plur. of i- stems, which make the gen. plur. in ium, the inscriptions from the time of the Gracchi to the death of J. Caesar give forms ending in -is, -eis, -es in nearly equal proportions. The later copy of the old Columna rostrata of the First Punic War has 'Cartaciniensis,' 'claseis,' and 'navales,' pointing thus to indecision in early times. The original termination seems to have been -ins, shortened afterwards into -is, and then passing into eis, and finally after the Augustan Age into -es. But in consonantal stems the acc. plur. seems to have ended in -es from early times: thus we have 'opsides' (soon after 290 B.C.), 'pedes' (133 to 1a1 B.C.), 'homines,' 'leges,' 'patres,' etc. (Corssen, Aussprache, 1. 740).

sese student. The use of the pronoun with verbs like 'studere,' 'velle,' 'cupere,' though uncommon, is found in Cicero, as De Off. a. 20, 7, 'ille tenuis... gratum se videri studet,' as well as in older writers like Caelius Antipater (ap. Festum), ‘ita uti sese quisque vobis studeat aemulari,' or Plautus, Asin. I. 3, 'vult placere sese amicae.'

1. a. silentio, unnoticed.' Cf. Tac. Agr. 6. 4, 'idem praeturae tenor et silentium.'

vitam transeant, an unusual phrase for 'degere vitam.' Cf. Tac. Agr. 6. 5. 'tribunatus annum quiete et otio transit.'

1. 3. prona, 'earth-regarding,' as amplified by Juvenal (15. 147), 'Cuius egent prona et terram spectantia.'

L. 4. sed. The inscriptions before 45 B. C. commonly show a final d in words like 'sed,' ‘apud,' ́aliud,' but towards the end of the Republic the d seems to take a thinner sound, and t appears in its place; thus 'set,' ‘haut,' become more frequent in the inscriptions of the Empire. Dietsch always prefers the form 'set' in the text of Sallust, but on insufficient evidence.

1. 5. corporis servitio, enlarged by Seneca: 'Quem in hoc mundo locum Deus obtinet, hunc in homine animus: quod est illic materia, id nobis corpus est: serviant ergo deteriora melioribus' (Ep. Mor. 65).

1. 6. quo.. rectius. Kritz would make ‘quo' qualify 'rectius,' as in Jug. 85. 6, and explains it by an ellipse, 'quanto dii praestant belluis, tanto rectius videtur, ingeni quam,' etc. Gründel (Quaestiones Sall. p. 6) compares the passages where 'eo' is used like 'ideo,' as Cat. 20. 3, 'Sed quia... eo animus ausus est;' and with a comparative, as Cat. 13. 5, 'animus... carebat, eo profusius omnibus modis... sumptui deditus erat,' and decides that 'quo' is also used in this and other passages for 'and therefore.'

1. 10. fluxa atque fragilis, ‘fleeting and frail.'

virtus. By virtue Sallust meant much the same as the Italians of the Renaissance, the habit of keeping worthy objects in sight, and being strenuous in pursuit of them,' Simcox, Lat. Lit. 1. 220. Cf. below, 2. 9.

habetur, not merely 'is accounted' but is a possession.' Cf. 'audacia pro muro habetur' (58. 17).

.

1. 11. mortalis. Sallust has a special affection for this word, bo11 with and without 'multi,' while Cicero commonly uses it with the epithet 'multi' or 'omnes.' It is constantly used by him, as by Livy and Tacitus, as a sonorous equivalent for 'homines,' and the attempts to trace a different shade of meaning seem to fail. Fronto (in Aul. Gell. 13. 28) discusses its use in the old annalist Claudius Quadrigarius, and decides that it is employed μpatikάtepov, 'amplius,' 'prolixius,' 'fusius.'

certamen, as in some measure in the old dispute between Ajax and Ulysses. Cf. Macaulay's History, vol. iv. 409: 'Never perhaps was the change which the progress of civilization has produced in the art of war more strikingly illustrated than on that day. Ajax beating down the Trojan leader with a rock which two ordinary men could scarcely lift, Horatius defending the bridge against an army... Such are the heroes of a dark age.... At Landen two poor sickly beings, who in a rude state of society would have been regarded as too puny to bear any part in combats, were the souls of two great armies. Men had discovered that the strength of the muscles is far inferior in value to the strength of the mind. It is probable that among the hundred