tance of this place receded into the background that it requires an effort to understand why the success of Boscawen and Amherst should have been thought worthy of the solemn thanks of Parliament, and why the captured colors of the enemy should have been paraded through the streets of London." Mr. William S. Appleton, in the Proc. Mass. Hist. Soc., vol. xi. pp. 297, 298, describes three medals struck to commemorate the siege of 1758. Cf. also Trans. Quebec Lit. and Hist. Soc., 1872-73, p. 79. A view of Louisburg in North America, taken from near the light-house, when that city was besieged in 1758, is the title of a contemporary copper-plate engraving published by Jefferys. (Carter-Brown, iii. p. 335.) Cf. the view in Cassell's United States, i. 528. The plan of the siege, here presented, is reproduced from Brown's Hist. of Cape Breton (p. 297): KEY: The French batteries to oppose the landing were as follows: The points of attack were as follows: A. Landing of the first column. B. Landing of the second column. These troops carried the adjacent batteries and pursued their defenders towards the city. The headquarters of the English were now established at H Q, while the position of the various regiments is marked by the figures corresponding to their numbers. Three redoubts (R 1, 2, 3) were thrown up in advance, and two block houses (B H 1, 2) were built on their left flank; Cf. also the plans in Jefferys' Natural and Treaty at Halifax of Governor Lawrence with the St. John and Passamaquoddy Indians, Feb. 23, 1760. (Mass. Archives, xxxiv.; Williamson, i. 344.) Conference with the Eastern Indians at Fort Pownall, Mar. 2, 1760. (Mass. Archives, xxix. 478.) Pownall's treaty of April 29, 1760. Brigadier Preble's letter, April 30, 1760, respecting the terms on which he had received the Penobscots under the protection of the government. (Mass. Archives, xxxiii.) Conference with the Penobscots at the council chamber in Boston, Aug. 22, 1763. (Mass. Archives, xxix. 482.) Cf. on the Indian treaties, Maine Hist. Soc. Collections, iii. 341, 359. The treaty of Paris had been signed Feb. 10, 1763. THE MAPS AND BOUNDS OF ACADIA. BY THE EDITOR. THE cartography of Acadia begins with that coast, " 'discovered by the English," which is inade a part of Asia in the map of La Cosa in 1500. The land is buried beneath the waves, west of the land of the king of Portugal, in the Cantino map of 1502.2 It lies north of the "Plisacus Sinus," as a part of Asia, in the Ruysch map of 1508.3 It is a vague coast in the map of the Sylvanus Ptolemy of 1511. For a long time the eastern coast of Newfoundland and neighboring shores stood for about all that the early map-makers ventured to portray; called at one time Baccalaos, now Corterealis, again Terra Nova; sometimes completed to an insular form, occasionally made to face a bit of coast that might pass for Acadia, often doubtless embracing in its insularity an indefinite extent that might well include island and main together, vaguely expressed, until in the end the region became angularly crooked as a part of a continental coast line. The maps which will show all this variety have been given in previous volumes. The Homem map of 15585 is the earliest to give the Bay of Fundy with any definiteThere was not so much improvement as might be expected for some years to come, when the map-makers followed in the main the types of Ruscelli and Ortelius, as will be seen by sketches and fac-similes in earlier volumes. ness. In 1592 the Molineaux globe of the Middle Temple became a little more definite, but the 1 Vol. III. p. 8. 4 Vol. II. p. 122. old type was still mainly followed. In 1609 Lescarbot gave special treatment to the Acadian region for the first time, and his drafts were not so helpful as they ought to have been to the more general maps of Hondius, Michael Mercator, and Oliva, all of 1613, but Champlain in 16128 and 16139 did better. The Dutch and English maps which followed began to develop the coasts of Acadia, like those of Jacobsz (1621),10 Sir William Alexander (1624), Captain Briggs in Purchas (1625),12 Jannson's of 1626, and the one in Speed's Prospect, of the same year.13 The Dutch De Laet began to establish features that lingered long 14 with the Dutch, as shown in the maps of Jannson and Visscher; while Champlain, in his great map of 1632,15 fashioned a type that the French made as much of as they had opportunity, as, for instance, Du Val in 1677. Dudley in 1646 16 gave an eclectic survey of the coast. After this the maps which pass under the names of Covens and Mortier, and that of Visscher with the Dutch, and the Sanson epochal map of 1656 18 among the French, marked some, but not much, progress. The map of Heylin's Cosmographie in 1663, the missionary map of the same year,19 and the new drafts of Sanson in 1669 show some variations, while that of Sanson is followed in Blome (1670). The map in Ogilby, though reëngraved to take the place of the maps in Montanus and Dapper,21 does not differ much. 7 Vol. IV. pp. 107, 152. This is the earliest map given in the blue book, North American boundary, Part i. 21 The cartography of these three books deserves discrimination. In De Nieuwe en onbekende Weereld of Montanus (Amsterdam, 1670–71) the map of America, “per Gerardum a Schagen," represents the great lakes beyond Ontario merged into one. The German version, Die unbekante Neue Welt, of Olfert Dapper has the same map, newly engraved, and marked "per Jacobum Meursium." Ogilby's English version, America, being an accurate description of the New World (London, 1670), though using for the most part the plates of Montanus, has a wholly different map of America, "per Johannem Ogiluium." This volume has an extra map of the Chesapeake, in addition to the Montanus one, beside English maps of Jamaica and Barbadoes, not in MonThese maps are repeated in the second edition, which is made up of the same sheets, to which an appendix is added, and a new title, reading, America, being the latest and most accurate description of the new world. It will be remembered that Pope, in the Dunciad (i. 141), mocked at Ogilby for his ponderous folio,"Here swells the shelf with Ogilby the Great." tanus. 4 See Vol. IV. p. 229. This map was also reproduced in the North American boundary, Part i. London, 1840. 5 For further references, see sections v. and vi. of "The Kohl Collection of Maps," published in Harvard Univ. Bulletin, 1884-85. Cf. also the Mémoire pour les limites de la Nouvelle France et de la Nouvelle Angleterre (1689) in Collection de Manuscrits relatifs à l'histoire de la Nouvelle France, Quebec, 1883, vol. i. p. 531. In later volumes of this Collection will be found (vol. iii. p. 49) "Mémoire sur les limites de l'Acadie envoyé à Monseigneur le Duc d'Orléans par le Père Charlevoix," dated at Quebec, Oct. 29, 1720 (iii. p. 522); "Mémoire sur les limites de l'Acadie," dated 1755. There is an historical summary of the French claim (1504-1706) in the N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 781. geographer of his day, a New Map of Newfoundland, New Scotland, the isles of Breton, Anticoste, St. Johns, together with the fishing bancks, which appeared in Oldmixon's British Empire in America, in 1708,1 and by Lahontan's cartographer the Carte générale de Canada, which appeared in the La Haye edition (1709) of his travels. repeated in his Mémoires (1741, vol. iii.). A section showing the southern bounds as understood by the French to run on the parallel of 43° 30', is annexed. From 1714 to 1722 we have the maps of Guillaume Delisle, which embody the French view of the bounds of Acadia. In 1718 the Lords of Trade in England recognized the rights of the original settlers of the debatable region under the Duke of York, — which during the last twenty years had more than once changed hands, — and these claimants then petitioned to be set up as a province, to be called Georgia." 66 "2 In 1720, Père Anbury wrote a Mémoire, which confines Acadia to the Nova Scotia peninsula, and makes the region from Casco Bay to Beaubassin a part of Canada.3 In March, 1723, M. Bohé reviewed the historical evidences from 1504 down, but only allowed the southern coast of the peninsula to pass under the name of Acadia.1 In 1731 the crown took the opinion of the lawofficers as to the right of the English king to the lands of Pemaquid, between the Kennebec and the St. Croix, because of the conquest of the territory by the French, and reconquest causing the vacating of chartered rights; and this document, which is long and reviews the history of the region, is in Chalmers' Opinions of Eminent Lawyers, i. p. 78, etc. Popple, Map of the British Empire in America and the French and Spanish settlements adjacent thereto. It was reproduced at Amsterdam about 1737. Popple's large MS. draft, which is preserved in the British Museum, is dated 1727. When in 1755 some points of Popple told against their claim, the English commissioners were very ready to call the map inaccurate. We have the Acadian region on a small scale in Keith's Virginia, in 1738. The Delisle map of North America in 1740 is reproduced in Mills' Boundaries of Ontario (1873). The English Pilot of 1742, published at London, gives various charts of the coast, particularly no. 5, "Newfoundland to Maryland," and no. 13, " Cape Breton to New York." Much better drafts were made when Nicolas Bellin was employed to draw the maps for Charlevoix's Nouvelle France, which was published in 1744. These were the Carte de la partie orientale de la Nouvelle France ou du Canada (vol. i. 438), a Carte de l'Accadie dressée sur les manuscrits du dépost des cartes et plans de la marine (vol. i. 12), and a Carte de l'Isle Royale vol. ii.) p. 385), beside lesser maps of La Heve, Milford harbor, and Port Dauphin. These are reproduced in Dr. Shea's English version of Charlevoix. Bellin's drafts were again used as the basis of the map of Acadia and Port Royal (nos. 26, 27) in Le petit atlas maritime, vol. i., Amérique Septentrionale, par le S. Bellin (1764). 8 The leading English and French general maps showing Acadia at this time are that of America in Bowen's Complete System of Geography (1747) and D'Anville's Amérique Septentrionale (Paris), which was reëngraved, with changes, at Nuremberg in 1756, and at Boston (reprinted, London) 1755, in Douglass's Summary of the In 1732 appeared the great map of Henry British Settlements in North America. It is 1 Moll's maps were used again in the 1741 edition of Oldmixon. Moll combined his maps of this period in an atlas called The world displayed, or a new and correct set of maps of the several empires, etc., the maps themselves bearing dates usually from 1708 to 1720. no. 170. 2 This memorial was printed by Bradford in Philadelphia about 1721. Hildeburn's Century of Printing, There was a claim upon the Kennebec, arising from certain early grants to Plymouth Colony, and in elucidation of such claims A patent for Plymouth in New England, to which is annexed extracts from the Records of the Colony, etc., was printed in Boston in 1751. There is a copy among the Belknap Papers, in the Mass. Hist. Soc. (61, c. 105, etc.), where will be found a printed sheet of extracts from deeds, to which is annexed an engraved plan of the coast of Maine between Cape Elizabeth and Pemaquid, and of the Kennebec valley up to Norridgewock, which is called A true copy of an ancient plan of E. Hutchinson's, Esq., from Jos. Heath, in 1719, and Phin' Jones' Survey in 1751, and from John North's late survey in 1752. Attest, Thomas Johnston. The Belknap copy has annotations in the handwriting of Thomas Prince, and with it is a tract called Remarks on the plan and extracts of deeds lately published by the proprietors of the township of Brunswick, dated at Boston, Jan. 26, 1753. This also has Prince's notes upon it. 3 N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 894. Cf. Penna. Archives, 2d ser., vi. 93. 4 N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 915. 5 Brit. Mus. MSS., no. 23,615 (fol. 72). 3 Charlevoix was brought to the attention of New England in 1746, by copious extracts in a tract printed at Boston, An account of the French settlements in North America. . . claimed and improved by the French king. By a gentleman. Jefferys reproduced this map in the Gentleman's Mag. in 1746. 8 Among the more popular maps is that of Thomas Kitchin, in the London Mag., 1749, p. 181. here called "improved with the back settlements of Virginia."1 The varying territorial claims of the French and English were illustrated in a Geographical History of Nova Scotia, published at London in 1749; a French version of which, as Histoire géographique de la Nouvelle Ecosse, made by Etienne de Lafargue, and issued anonymously, was published at Paris in 1755, but its authorship was acknowledged when it was later included in Lafargue's Œuvres.2 The Mémoire which Galissonière wrote in December, 1750, claimed for France westward to the Kennebec, and thence he bounded New France on the watershed of the St. Lawrence and Mississippi. In 1750-51 Joseph Bernard Chabert was sent by the French king to rectify the charts of the coasts of Acadia, and his Voyage fait par ordre du Roi en 1750 et 1751 dans l'Amérique Septentrionale pour rectifier les cartes des côtes de l'Acadie, de l'isle Royale, et de l'isle de Terre Neuve, Paris, 1753, has maps of Acadia and of the coast of Cape Breton.* In 1753 the futile sessions of the commissioners of England and France began at Paris. Their aim was to define by agreement the bounds of Acadia as ceded to England by the treaty of Utrecht (1713),5 under the indefinite designation of its "ancient limits." What were these ancient limits? On this question the French had constantly shifted their grounds. The commission of De Monts in 1603 made Acadia stretch from Central New Brunswick to Southern Pennsylvania, or between the 40th and 46th degrees of latitude; but, as Parkman says, neither side cared to produce the document. When the French 1 Sabin, xii. no. 47,552. 2 See Vol. IV. p. 154. 8 N. Y. Col. Docs., x. 220. held without dispute the adjacent continent, they never hesitated to confine Acadia to the peninsula. Equally, as interest prompted, they could extend it to the Kennebec, or limit it to the southern half of the peninsula. Cf. the Mémoire sur les limites de l'Acadie (joint à la lettre de Begon, Nov. 9, 1713), in the Parkman MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc., New France, i. p. 9. In July, 1749, La Galissonière, in writing to his own ministry, had declared that Acadia embraced the entire peninsula; but, as the English knew nothing of this admission, he could later maintain that it was confined to the southern shore only. Cf. again Fixation des limites de l'Acadie, etc., 1753, among the Parkman MSS. in Mass. Hist. Soc., New France, i. pp. 203-269. On this question of the "ancient limits," the English commissioners had of course their way of answering, and the New England claims were well sustained in the arguing of the case by Governor Shirley, of Massachusetts, who with William Mildmay was an accredited agent of the English monarch. The views of the opposing representatives were irreconcilable, and in 1755 the French court appealed to the world by presenting the two sides of the case, as shown in the counter memoirs of the commissioners, in a printed work, which was sent to all the foreign courts. It appeared in two editions, quarto (1755) and duodecimo (1756), in three and six volumes respectively, and was entitled Mémoires des Commissaires du Roi et de ceux de sa Majesté Britannique. Both editions have a preliminary note saying that the final reply of the English commissioners was not ready for the press, and so was not included. This omission gave occa 4 Rich, Bibl. Amer. (after 1700), p. 103; Leclerc, no. 691. 5 The articles of the treaty of Utrecht touching the American possessions of England are cited and commented upon in William Bollan's Importance and Advantage of Cape Breton, etc. (London, 1746.) The diplomacy of the treaty of Utrecht can be followed in the Miscellaneous State Papers, 1501-1726, in two volumes, usually cited by the name of the editor, as the Hardwicke Papers. Cf. also Actes, mémoires et autres pièces authentiques concernant la paix d'Utrecht, depuis l'année 1706 jusqu'à présent. Utrecht, 1712-15, 6 vols. J. W. Gerard's Peace of Utrecht, a historical review of the great treaty of 1713-14, and of the prin cipal events of the war of the Spanish succession (New York, etc., 1885) has very little (p. 286) about the American aspects of the treaty. 6 N. Y. Col. Docs., ix. 878, 894, 913, 932, 981. 7 To Shirley was dedicated a tract by William Clarke, of Boston, Observations on the late and present conduct of the French, with regard to their encroachments upon the British colonies in North America; together with remarks on the importance of these colonies to Great Britain, Boston, 1755, which was reprinted in London the same year. Cf. Thomson's Bibliog. of Ohio, nos. 234, 235; Hildeburn's Century of Printing, no. 1,407; Catal. of works rel. to Franklin in Boston Pub. Lib., p. 13. The commissioners seem also to have used an account of Nova Scotia, written in 1743, which is printed in the Nova Scotia Hist. Coll., i. 105. 8 The correspondence of the Earl of Albemarle, the British minister at Paris, with the Newcastle administration, to heal the differences of the conflicting claims, is noted as among the Lansdowne MSS. in the Hist. MSS. Com. Report, iii. 141. 9 The three quarto volumes were found on board a French prize which was taken into New York, and from them the French claim was set forth in A memorial containing a summary view of facts with their authori ties in answer to the Observations sent by the English ministry to the courts of Europe. Translated from |