can be done here until these gentlemen are afforded every requisite accommodation.' This was at once provided, and having assured Mr. O'Connell that they were 'perfectly ready,' and well provided for, he came forward to address the people, and commenced his speech, to the great dismay of the Englishmen, in the Irish language. Having explained to the assembly who they were, and how he humbugged them, he continued in the same language to address to the meeting everything he wished to convey to them; the people laughing all the while at the English reporters, while they joined very good humouredly in the laugh raised against them."

More recently (June, 1849) Mr. John O'Connell tried his hand at clearing the gallery, because, in his own opinion, his speeches were not given at sufficient length. This was bad enough from the O'Connell ; but that his son John should take such a step was too absurd. Ridicule instead of indignation was excited, and the general feeling was well conveyed by a writer in The Spectator, who said:-"The House had better lose no time in placing the matter on a more simple and decorous footing, or it will be forced. If driven to it, no doubt, the leading Journals could return their own members to report for them from the body of the House: meanwhile, they have their honorary member in the person of Mr. Trelawney, who furnished intelligent accounts of what passed during the exclusion of the reporters, and will probably do so as often as it may be required."

Even now the theory of Parliament is, that the debates take place with closed doors; to speak

of reports in Newspapers, except to complain of them as a breach of privilege, is irregular, and the mere mention of the fact that there are strangers in the House is enough, as a matter of course, to clear the reporters' gallery. Should this farce continue? Should that which is of vital importance to our liberty be held on such terms?

It is almost impossible," says a writer we have before quoted, "to overrate the value of this regular publication of proceedings in Parliament, carried, as it has been in our own time, to nearly as great copiousness and accuracy as is possibly attainable. It tends manifestly and powerfully to keep within bounds the supineness and negligence, the partiality and corruption, to which every Parliament, either from the nature of its composition or the frailty of mankind, must more or less be liable. Perhaps the constitution would not have stood so long, or rather would have stood like an useless and untenanted mansion, if this unlawful means had not kept up a perpetual intercourse, a reciprocity of influence between the Parliament and the people. A stream of fresh air, boisterous perhaps sometimes as the winds of the north, yet as healthy and invigorating, flows in to renovate the stagnant atmosphere, and to prevent that malaria which self-interest and oligarchical exclusiveness are always tending to generate."

CHAPTER XII.

A CONCLUDING WORD.

THE Papers of the provinces, and those published

once a week in London, would deserve, and should have, some chapters, did the limits of this book permit. Amongst the country Journals are many of great talent and integrity, and many having a greater age even than some of their metropolitan rivals. Politicians, poets, novelists, have been numbered, and are still numbered, in the editorial ranks of the provincial press. On the London Weekly Papers also, there are many men occupying the first rank as thinkers and writers; and in the history of these Journals many curious facts deserve to be recorded. The literary talent and political integrity of The Examiner; the pains-taking elaboration of details and good sense displayed in The Spectator; the popularity of The Observer-the Paper that forms the link, on the seventh day each week, between all the morning Papers; and the peculiar features, each good in its way, of the other Journals, would make an admirable theme. The Sunday Times might be noticed for theatrical and sporting News; The Weekly Messenger for

country politics and country markets; The Weekly Dispatch for its strong Liberal principles, and great mass of News adapted to popular tastes; The Illustrated London News for its pictured pages and great store of amusing and unexceptionable matter, and marvellous success; The Weekly Chronicle and Weekly News for their general usefulness. Others, as worthy in their way, adapted to the needs of special classes of readers-as The Athenæum and Literary Gazette; The Lancet, and The Gardeners' Chronicle -might come in as further subjects for description. But the allotted space is full.

Nearly six hundred pages are occupied by the present collection of previously scattered facts and sketches, illustrative of the history of the Newspaper press; and yet it would not be difficult to number up a host of other stray dates and passages that-had one again to go over the ground-might fairly claim a place. To those who have attempted the task of bringing together, for the first time, the data from which the history of any subject is afterwards to be completed, it will be only requisite to repeat, that this is such a first attempt, and they will at once understand the great difficulty of avoiding faults, both of omission and commission. And the plea, too, will go far to excuse if it may not altogether secure pardon for such faults.

Whatever the defects of these pages, however, one thing at least they may surely be said to show; and that is, the great debt of gratitude which those who enjoy the liberty of these our later days owe to the press. This debt has not been imposed by one great act, or on one grand and showy occasion-but has

VOL. II.

T

been growing up day by day, and year by year-since the time when the Long Parliament showed the people what publicity for public proceedings would do for the Common Good. The very thought of those old times calls up a recollection of the good, and brave, and clever men who have been contributors to this great and excellent work. We call to mind the indefatigable Prynn, with his pen that never tired, and his heart that no punishments could break; the republican Lilburn, schooled under the rod of a tyrannic monarchy, yet ready to denounce a tyrannic and hollow commonwealth; the noble-souled Milton, with the genius of a poet, the patient endurance of a political martyr, and the strong and lofty mind of a republican statesman; the clever and ready Marchamont Nedham, careless and irregular, perhaps, in days of mingled trouble and dissipation, but yet wielding, when at liberty to do so, an useful pen against an ancient tyranny, which the people were striving to cast off. And painful memories here force their way in; for who can overlook the wretched martyrs Twyn and others, who were made victims when Charles the Second turned the palace of Whitehall into a huge brothel, and employed the cavalier L'Estrange to find out, and send to the gaol and the gallows, the men who dared to sigh in type for the stern crop-eared Commonwealth, which preceded a debauched and degraded Restoration. Then again we recollect Tutchin, goaded by the brutality of Jefferies to a career of political pamphleteering, which gave many an opportunity of revenge upon the enemies who had inflicted mischief upon him.