17. Togatae in a wide sense is the name given to all plays not imitated from the Greek, but of Italian origin, whether the braided (praetexta and trabeata) or the simple toga was the costume of the performers. In a more limited acceptation togata denotes that kind of national drama in which the performers appeared in a simple toga, togati. Later on, the name tabernaria became more usual to denote this. This togata represents the life of the lower classes in Rome, thus possessing a tone more coarse than the palliata, but also greater freshness and real life. But it surpasses more especially the palliata in the idea of domesticity, the female sex being far more prominent in it, and the slaves holding comparatively insignificant parts. The chronology of the togata is defined on the one hand by the over-refined palliata of Terence, and on the other by the artificial Atellana and the mimus. Its principal poets are Titinius, Quintius Atta and L. Afranius, all between 585 and 675 v. c. Afranius raised the togata into higher circles of society, introduced the arrangement and tone of the palliata into it, sometimes even used Greek plays for his purposes, and in this way created a kind of mixed species, which, however, died out with him. Even in the Imperial period Afranius' togatae were performed, though with an admixture of pantomimic art, to suit the taste of the period.

1. Among the togatae in the broadest sense of the word (as a nomen generale) Diomedes III. p. 486 sq. P. = 489 sq. K. enumerates: a) praetextatae, b) togatae tabernariae, c) Atellanae, d) planipedes, and defines them: quae scriptae sunt secundum ritus et habitum hominum togatorum, i. e. Romanorum. In this sense togata comprises also the trabeata which Diomedes omits, though this was merely a transient and unimportant species, devoted especially to the knights whose peculiar habit was the trabea (Pers. III 29. Dio LVI 31), and a species merely due to Maecenas' freedman, C. Melissus; Suet. de gramm. 21 extr. (p. 116 Rffsch.): fecit (Mel.) et novum genus togatarum inscripsitque trabeatas. In the same general sense, and especially of praetextae, Sen. Ep. I 8, 8 uses the term togatae; non attingam tragicas nec togatas nostras. habent enim hae quoque aliquid severitatis et sunt inter comoedias ac tragoedias mediae.

2. Diomed. III p. 487 P. 489, 28 sqq. K.: secunda species est togatarum quae tabernariae dicuntur et humilitate personarum et argumentorum similitudine comoediis (palliatis) pares, in quibus . . humiles homines et privatae domus inducuntur, quae quidem olim, quod tabulis tegerentur, communiter tabernae vocabantur. But there are privatae domus in the palliatae as well, and tabernae are rather the booths of tradespeople

and shopkeepers. Festus v. togatarum (p. 352 a. M.) enumerates among the characters of the tabernariae besides others also plagiarii, servi denique, in general such as ex tabernis honeste prodeant. Comp. also such titles of togatae as Augur, Cinerarius, Fullonia, Libertus, Psaltria, Tibicina. Togatae is the namen given to plays of this kind espec. by Cic. p. Sest. 55, 118. Hor. Ep. II 3, 288. Vellej. II 9, 3. Sen. Ep. XIV 1 (= 89), 7 (comp. Afranius v. 299). Suet. Ner. 11. Quintil. X 1, 100. Gell. X 11, 8. XIII 8, 3.

3. The pots of the togatae are generally laid at Rome, though not unfrequently also in a provincial town in order to ridicule either the life of a small town or satirize Rome in a disguised manner, or to describe the impression produced by Rome on a man from the country; comp. the titles Brundisinae, Ferentinatis, Setina, Veliterna, Ulubrana. From the mere titles appears the large admixture of the female sex (even of virgins), and this is still more shown by the fragments. Comp. also Serv. Aen. XI 160: in togatis victrices appellantur quae viros extulerunt. Donatus, on Ter. Eun. 12, is very significant: concessum est in palliata poetis comicis servos dominis sapientiores fingere, quod item in togata non fere licet.

4. Diomed. p. 488 P. = 490, 16 K.: togatas tabernarias in scenam dataverunt praecipue duo, L. Afranius et G. Quintius. Acro on Hor. Ep. II 3, 288 is confused: praetextas et togatas scripserunt Aelius Lamia, Antonius Rufus, Gn. Melissus, Afranius, Pomponius. A togatarius (histrio) Stephanio (cui in puerilem habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat Augustus and whom he therefore per trina theatra virgis caesum relegavit) occurs in Suet. Aug. 45; comp. Plin. N. H. VII 49: minus miror Stephanionem, qui primus togatas saltare instituit, utrisque saecularibus ludis saltasse, et D. Augusti et quos Claudius Caesar consulatu suo quarto fecit, quando LXIII non amplius anni interfuere, quamquam et postea diu vixit. A performance of Afranius' Incendium under Nero is mentioned by Suet. Ner. 11.

5. In imitation of the arrangement of the palliata Afranius has prologues (v. 25-30. Macrob. Sat. VI 5, 6: Afranium.. qui in prologo ex persona Priapi ait, just as in his Sella Sophia appeared as a speaker) and cantica (even synodic ones). Cic. p. Sest. 55, 118: cum ageretur togata Simulans, ut opinor caterva tota clarissima concentione . . contionata est. The adoption of the parasites belongs to the same features, though the roman clientship and the scurrae offered analogies.

6. The fragments of togatae are collected by Bothe and also by J. H. Neukirch, de fabula togata (Lips. 1833) p. 96-280, and in Ribbeck's Com. lat. p. 115-188. On the togata see also Ladewig in Pauly's RealEnc. VI 2. p. 2024 sq. and Mommsen R. H. I. p. 885 sq. II. p. 438.

18. The Romans admitted also the Rhinthonica, so-called from the Phlyacographer Rhinthon of Tarentum, who travestied tragic subjects by burlesque treatment. This species is also

called ιλαροτραγῳδία and Ιταλική. Its representation in the extant literature is doubtful. Atellanae with mythogical subjects seem the most similar to it.

1. The admission of the Rhinthonica at Rome appears from its being mentioned among the various kinds of Roman comedies: sce § 12, 1. On Rhinthon see espec. Suidas s. v. (II p. 614 sq. Bernh.): Pivdwv, Ταραντίνος κωμικός, ἀρχηγὸς τῆς καλουμένης ἱλαροτραγῳδίας, ἢ ἐστι φλυακογραφία. υἱὸς δὲ ὴν κεραμέως καὶ γέγονεν ἐπὶ τοῦ πρώτου Πτολεμαίου (323-285 Β. Chr. = 431-469 v. c.): δράματα δὲ αὐτοῦ κωμικὰ τραγικὰ λή. Steph. Βyz. s. v. Τάρας: ἀνεγράφησαν πολλοὶ . καὶ ̔Ρίνθων Ταραντῖνος φλύαξ, τὰ τραγικὰ μεταρρυθμίζων εἰς γελοῖον. Athen. IX p. 402 Β.: εἷς δ ̓ ἐστὶν οὗτος (Σκληρίας) τῆς Ἰταλικῆς καλουμένης κωμωδίας ποιητής, γένος Ταραντίνος. Lyd. de mag. I 40: Ρινθωνική (ἐστὶν ἡ ἐξωτική, where Welcker's correction εξοδική, though approved by Vahlen, Rh. Mus. XVI p. 474, is not supported by the preceding ἀτελλάνη δέ ἐστιν ἡ τῶν λεγομένων ἐξοδιαρίων; comp. rather Plautus Men. II 1, 11 = 236 R.: Graeciamque exoticam of the South of Italy (magna Graecia).

2. The xwuwdorgaywdia of Alcaeus, Dinolochus and Anaxandrides (Meineke hist. crit. com. gr. p. 347 sq.) is older than the ilaporgaywdía with its dexnyos Rhinthon and cannot, therefore, be identical with it. Perhaps xwuwdorp. was more in the style of comedies (maybe like Plautus' Amphitr. which is in the prol. 59 and 63 styled tragicocomoedia), and ilagorg. more like a burlesque or Atellana. tragicocomoedia also in Lutat. ad Stat. Theb. V 160.

3. The Plautine Amphitruo is most certainly no Rhinthonica, see Vahlen Rh. Mus. XVI p. 472 sqq., who suspects that rather Atellanae with mythological plots are Rhinthonicae, farcical parodies of mythicotragical subjects.

4. Bernhardy on Suidas II p. 614 sq. Neukirch, de fab. tog. p. 15—18. E. Munck, de fabb. Atell. p. 84-89. Vahlen, Rh. Mus. XVI p. 472–476.

19. The Romans possessed a tendency to preserve and cherish the recollection of past events and as they perceived that metre facilitated both recollection and tradition, we find here a field favorable to the development of epic poetry. Hence we have at an early age ancestral songs and inscriptions of various kinds somewhat like the epic in style. The Saturnian measure employed in them was also used by the ancient epic poets in Roman literature, Andronicus and Naevius, the first a mere translator in his latin Odyssey, the latter in his bellum punicum boldly plunging into the life of his nation and time. Like him, his successor Ennius chose, in his Annals,

a national subject, which he expanded to a complete Roman history until his own time and treated in dactylic hexameters, the Greek epic measure. His example became the type for later poets, both as to subject-matter and form. During the next century no other poet attempted an epic poem; but then Hostius, plainly following Ennius, wrote a bellum istricum, and similarly L. Attius and A. Furius, Annals. Cicero himself wrote poems in hexameters on his consulship and exile (de suo consulatu, de temporibus meis). In the Augustan period Anser eulogised M. Antony, and others treated subjects of the history of the period in the manner of the Alexandrine poets and partly with panegyric tendencies, as L. Varius (de morte, sc. Caesaris; Panegyricus Augusti), Tibullus (Panegyric on Messala), Octavianus himself (Sicilia), Cornelius Severus (bellum siculum), Rabirius (bellum actiacum), Pedo Albinovanus (de navigatione Germanici per oceanum septentrionalem). In the Imperial period epic poetry was chiefly devoted to the glorious past of Roman liberty: Lucan's Pharsalia, the epic poem de bello civili in Petronius Sat. 119, and Silius Italicus' Punica; whenever contemporary history furnished the subject, the whole necessarily breathed the courtier (so Gordianus' Antoninias; Claudianus' numerous epic panegyrics and bellum Gildonicum and geticum; Sidonius Apollinaris; Corippus).

1. The interest of the subject-matter remained always predominant and decisive. Cic. de imp. Pomp. 9, 25: sinite hoc loco, sicut poetae solent qui res romanas scribunt, praeterire me nostram calamitatem. The Roman magnates longed to be glorified in poetry: e. g. Cic. p. Arch. 10, 26. 11, 27. Augustus systematically favoured and promoted epic compositions, and to abstain from them almost required an excuse, as in the case of Horace. A large number of real or pretended epic poets enumerated by Ovid ex Ponto IV 16. In the time of Nero epic composition was fashionable, see Persius I 69 sqq. Comp. Petron. Sat. 118. Martial. IV 14. Stat. silv. II 7, 48 sqq.

2. F. Winkelmann, the epic poets of Rome until the time of Virgil, Jahn's Archiv II p. 558 sqq.

20. A heroic epic was impossible at Rome in its original state, the Italian gods being mere abstractions, and godlike heroes unknown to the people. When, therefore, towards the end of the Republic the influence of the Alexandrine poets caused this class of epic poetry to be cultivated, it was necessary to choose foreign subjects. So Catullus (Epithalamium Pelei et Thetidos), Helvius Cinna (Smyrna), Licinius Calvus

(Io), Terentius Varro (Argonautica), Pedo (Theseis), as well as in respect of its subject-matter Ovid's Metamorphoses, later on the Culex and Ciris, and Valerius Flaccus' Argonautica. Others translated the Iliad, e. g. C. Matius and (Ninnius?) Crassus, at a later time Gaurus and, for scholastic purposes, the so-called Pindarus Thebanus; aspirants of a higher order reverted to the Epic Cycle, as the Cyprian Iliad (by Laevius?), Furius Bibaculus translated the Aethiopis, Aemilius Macer Antehomerica and Posthomerica, Julus Antonius Diomedea, Domitius Marsus Amazonis, Camerinus Excidium Troiae, and in later time Nero's Troica, Lucan's Iliaca, Statius' Thebais and Achilleis etc. Between the historic or national and the Alexandrine or mythological classes stands Virgil's Aeneid, in which an indigenous legend is told in a historic and psychological manner, and this became the pattern of poetical composition to the subsequent poets. After the victory of Christianity subjects taken from the biblical history of the Old or the New Testament replaced Roman history and Greek Mythology, and in the place of panegyrics on Emperors or Roman nobles we get panegyrics on Christian saints; but the treatment always adhered to the path first pointed out by Virgil. Thus we have in the first century Juvencus, Damasus and Paulinus, in the fifth Sedulius, Dracontius and Arator, in the sixth Alcimus Avitus and Venantius Fortunatus. Outside the pale of Christianity, Claudian composed his mythological epics Raptus Proserpinae and Gigantomachia. Even the latest offshoot of Roman epic poetry, the tragoedia Orestis (in hexameters), in numerous passages reminds the reader of Virgil.

1. Style of description, c. g. Sen. Apoc. 2, 3: omnes poetae, non contenti ortus et occasus describere (like Julius Montanus, Sen. Ep. 121, 29-13) etiam medium diem inquietant. A pathetic style was required: heroici carminis sonus, Tac. dial. 10. The style of the heroic epic was also transferred to the historic class, as in Silius; comp. Petron. Sat. 118: non enim res gestae versibus comprehendendae sunt, quod longe melius historici faciunt, sed per ambages deorumque ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus, ut potius furentis animi vaticinatio appareat quam religiosae orationis sub testibus fides.

2. The general custom is already deserted in the Troiae halosis in iambic senarii in Petron. Sat. 39. Iu the same measure Avienus later on wrote a paraphrasis of Livy's history, and Marianus translated Apollonius' Argonautica and Nicander's Theriaca.