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found, however, that I have not wandered from my author's text in order to do this, but that every section of the Historical Examination is a commentary upon some definite passage or passages of it.
Questions which the text does not suggest are, therefore, passed over, even such as I should have discussed at length had I been merely writing an essay on the regal period of Rome. For instance, the vexed question of the clients is reserved for the next volume. The patricians are discussed here because Livy discusses them ; but as the plebs remains quite in the background throughout the first book, I have refrained as much as possible from discussing it.
I have to acknowledge valuable help received from the Dean of Christ Church and from Mr. Max Cullinan, Fellow of Christ's College, Cambridge.
LIFE OF Livy. Of the life of Titus Livius very few facts are known to us. It is important to recognize this and to guard against the temptation to which many critics have yielded of creating a detailed narrative by loose inferences or by pure imagination. The statements we find will therefore here be considered separately, no attempt being made to weave them together.
The Date of his Birth. In Jerome's Latin translation of the Chronicon of Eusebius there are many additions made by the translator himself referring to Latin literary history. Among these we find it stated that Livy was born in Ol. 180. 2 according to Scaliger's Edition, Ol. 180. 4 according to Mai's Armenian Version. Ritschl (Parerg. Appendix) has shown that the statements contained in these annotations of Jerome's are founded on Suetonius de Viris Illustribus (a work of which the lives of Grammatici Rhetores, &c., printed in Suetonius' works form a fragment) but that they are often exceedingly untrustworthy inferences from those statements. If therefore Suetonius wrote lives of historians (on which point there has been a controversy between Ritschl and Mommsen) and among these of Livy, and in the life of Livy mentioned in what consulate he was born, Jerome's statement is authoritative; but as we do not know these facts, we can only say that probably or possibly Livy was born in B. C. 59 or 57.
His Place of Birth. This is established on good authority. The poet Statius, in congratulating a contemporary historian, says, 'Orsa Sallusti brevis et Timavi Reddis alumnum,' and we read (Quint. Inst. Orat. 1. 5, 56; 8. 1, 3) that Asinius Polio, Livy's contemporary, found a certain Patavinitas in his style. Martial, too, where he says,
• Censetur Apona Livio suo tellus' (Ep. 1. 62, 3), seems to point to the same part of Italy. Later writers (Sid. Apoll. 2. 189, Symmachus, Ep. 4. 18, and Jerome, in the annotation above-mentioned) call him Patavine.
Of the town of Patavium, now Padua, a brief history may be collected
from Livy himself. It was one of those towns which ascribed its origin to emigrants from the mysterious Troy (1. I). The leader of this emigration is supposed to have been Antenor. It resisted the power of the Etruscans (5. 33), and, according to Polybius (2. 23), also that of the invading Gauls?. In B. C. 301 it repelled an invasion of the Spartan Cleonymus. At this time it is described as constantly at war with the neighbouring Gauls. Livy tells us that the spoils of the Spartans had remained in the temple of Juno at Patavium up to the lifetime of men who were living when he wrote, and that an annual sham fight of boats in memory of the battle still took place in the town (10. 2). There was a seditio in the town in B. C. 174, which was instantly quieted on the appearance of the consul (41. 27). For a long time after this we hear little of Patavium, nor do we hear anything of its fortunes in the earlier part of the revolutionary period. How it behaved in the civil wars of Marius and Sulla we do not know, nor which side it took in the conflict between Caesar and the aristocracy. Plutarch relates after Livy, that a certain Caius Cornelius, a friend of the historian, astonished the inhabitants of Patavium by predicting the battle of Pharsalia and the victory of Caesar ; but whether the event pleased or grieved them he does not hint by a single word, though W. infers from the passage that the town took the aristocratic side?. After the death of Caesar in the war of Mutina, we do indeed find Patavium on the side of the senate. In the 12th Philippic (4. 10) we read, 'Et ut omittam reliquas partes Galliae, nam sunt omnes pares, Patavini alios excluserunt, alios ejecerunt missos ab Antonio : pecunia, militibus et, quod maxime deerat, armis nostros duces adjuverunt.' But that it would be delusive to infer from this that the Patavini were aristocratically disposed, will appear when we consider the confusion of political parties at that time. Though Antonius was a Caesarian, he was fighting to annul one of Caesar's acts. The senate was engaged to maintain that act, and Hirtius the consul, who commanded for the senate, was a leading Caesarian.
The question now arises, what was the size and character of the town of Patavium. We have the evidence of Strabo that it was among the most important towns of the Roman world. He places it above Mediolanum, Verona, and all the other towns of that part of Italy; speaks of its populousness, and the quantity of manufactured articles, particularly articles of dress, that it sent to Rome; and as a proof of the wealth of its inhabitants, mentions that it had been registered as i
1 Weissenborn strangely confuses these two statements together. This editor will be referred to for the future as W. 1 In his German edition (Weidmann) the error is corrected.