AssemblyOxford University Press, 1 ago 2017 - 352 pagine In recent years "leaderless" social movements have proliferated around the globe, from North Africa and the Middle East to Europe, the Americas, and East Asia. Some of these movements have led to impressive gains: the toppling of authoritarian leaders, the furthering of progressive policy, and checks on repressive state forces. They have also been, at times, derided by journalists and political analysts as disorganized and ineffectual, or suppressed by disoriented and perplexed police forces and governments who fail to effectively engage them. Activists, too, struggle to harness the potential of these horizontal movements. Why have the movements, which address the needs and desires of so many, not been able to achieve lasting change and create a new, more democratic and just society? Some people assume that if only social movements could find new leaders they would return to their earlier glory. Where, they ask, are the new Martin Luther Kings, Rudi Dutschkes, and Stephen Bikos? With the rise of right-wing political parties in many countries, the question of how to organize democratically and effectively has become increasingly urgent. Although today's leaderless political organizations are not sufficient, a return to traditional, centralized forms of political leadership is neither desirable nor possible. Instead, as Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri argue, familiar roles must be reversed: leaders should be responsible for short-term, tactical action, but it is the multitude that must drive strategy. In other words, if these new social movements are to achieve meaningful revolution, they must invent effective modes of assembly and decision-making structures that rely on the broadest democratic base. Drawing on ideas developed through their well-known Empire trilogy, Hardt and Negri have produced, in Assembly, a timely proposal for how current large-scale horizontal movements can develop the capacities for political strategy and decision-making to effect lasting and democratic change. We have not yet seen what is possible when the multitude assembles. |
Sommario
Strategy and Tactics of the Centaur | |
Contra Rousseau or Pour en finir avec | |
The Dark Mirror of RightWing Movements | |
The Real Problem Lies Elsewhere | |
SOCIAL PRODUCTION | |
How to Open Property to the Common | |
FINANCIAL COMMAND AND NEOLIBERAL | |
Finance Captures Social Value | |
Money Institutionalizes a Social Relation | |
Neoliberal Administration Out of Joint | |
NEW PRINCE | |
Impossible Reformism | |
And Now What? | |
Portolan | |
We Machinic Subjects | |
Weber in Reverse | |
Entrepreneurship of the Multitude | |
Notes | |
Acknowledgments | |
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activists Antonio Negri autonomy become biopolitical biopower bundle of rights capacities capitalist capitalist development capitalist production Carl Schmitt central claims command common Communards concept constituent power constituted construction contemporary counterpowers create crisis critique decision-making democracy democratic dominant economic emerging entrepreneur entrepreneurship example exploitation extraction finance capital fixed capital forces Fordism forms freedom global governance human increasingly industrial institutions Karl Marx labor leaders leadership liberation machines Marx Marx’s means Michael Hardt migrants multitude neoliberal administration ontological ordoliberal organization party plural political posed potential precarity primitive accumulation private property production and reproduction production of subjectivity projects recognize reformism relationship resistance revolution revolutionary right-wing rule social cooperation social movements social production social relations society sovereign sovereignty strategy structures subordinated subsumption take power technologies terrain theory today’s traditional trans transformation University Press violence W. E. B. Du Bois wealth Western Marxism workers