48. SOUTHEAST ASIA RESOLUTION 1 Whereas naval units of the Communist regime in Vietnam, in violation of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of international law, have deliberately and repeatedly attacked United States naval vessels lawfully present in international waters, and have thereby created a serious threat to international peace; and Whereas these attacks are part of a deliberate and systematic campaign of aggression that the Communist regime in North Vietnam has been waging against its neighbors and the nations joined with them in the collective defense of their freedom; and Whereas the United States is assisting the peoples of southeast Asia to protect their freedom and has no territorial, military or political ambitions in that area, but desires only that these peoples should be left in peace to work out their own destinies in their own way: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Congress approves and supports the determination of the President, as Commander in Chief, to take all necessary measures to repel any armed attack against the forces of the United States and to prevent further aggression. SEC. 2. The United States regards as vital to its national interest and to world peace the maintenance of international peace and security in southeast Asia. Consonant with the Constitution of the United States and the Charter of the United Nations and in accordance with its obligations under the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, the United States is, therefore, prepared, as the President determines, to take all necessary steps, including the use of armed force, to assist any member or protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty requesting assistance in defense of its freedom. SEC. 3. This resolution shall expire when the President shall determine that the peace and security of the area is reasonably assured by international conditions created by action of the United Nations or otherwise, except that it may be terminated earlier by concurrent resolution of the Congress. 1 Text of Public Law 88-408 [H.J. Res. 1145], 78 Stat. 384, approved Aug. 10, 1964. 49. COMPARISON OF RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE MAINTENANCE OF PEACE AND SECURITY IN VARIOUS AREAS Southeast Asia Whereas naval units of the Communist Whereas these attacks are part of a deliberate Whereas the United States is assisting the Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- Cuba Whereas President James Monroe, an- Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- Formosa Whereas the primary purpose of the Whereas such armed attack if continued Whereas the secure possession by friendly Whereas the President of the United Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- Middle East Resolved by the Senate and House of Repre- ww 49. COMPARISON OF RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE MAINTENANCE OF PEACE AND SECURITY IN VARIOUS AREAS-Continued SEC. 2. The United States regards as vital Cuba (a) to prevent by whatever means may (b) to prevent in Cuba the creation or (c) to work with the Organization of This resolution shall expire when the This resolution shall expire when the conditions SEC. 2. The President is authorized to This joint resolution shall expire when the 50. ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT JOHNSON, AUGUST 12, 1964 In Viet-Nam, too, we work for world order. For 10 years, through the Eisenhower administration, the Kennedy administration, and this administration, we have had one consistent aim observance of the 1954 agreements which guaranteed the independence of South Viet-Nam. That independence has been the consistent target of aggression and terror. For 10 years our response to these attacks has followed a consistent pattern: First, that the South Vietnamese have the basic responsibility for the defense of their own freedom. Second, we would engage our strength and our resources to whatever extent needed to help others repel aggression. Now, there are those who would have us depart from these tested principles. They have a variety of viewpoints. All of them, I am sure, you have heard in your local community. Some say that we should withdraw from South Viet-Nam, that we have lost almost 200 lives there in the last 4 years, and we should come home. But the United States cannot and must not and will not turn aside and allow the freedom of a brave people to be handed over to Communist tyranny. This alternative is strategically unwise, we think, and it is morally unthinkable. Some others are eager to enlarge the conflict. They call upon us to supply American boys to do the job that Asian boys should do. They ask us to take reckless action which might risk the lives of millions and engulf much of Asia and certainly threaten the peace of the entire world. Moreover, such action would offer no solution at all to the real problem of Viet-Nam. America can and America will meet any wider challenge from others, but our aim in Viet-Nam, as in the rest of the world, is to help restore the peace and to reestablish a decent order. The course that we have chosen will require wisdom and endurance. But let no one doubt for a moment that we have the resources and the will to follow this course as long as it may take. No one should think for a moment that we will be worn down, nor will we be driven out, and we will not be provoked into rashness; but we will continue to meet aggression with firmness and unprovoked attack with measured reply. That is the meaning of the prompt reaction of our destroyers to unprovoked attack. That is the meaning of the positive reply of our aircraft to a repetition of that attack. That is the meaning of the resolution passed by your Congress with 502 votes in favor and only 2 opposed. That is the meaning of the national unity that we have shown to all the world last week. There is another consideration. Wherever the forces of freedom are engaged, no one who commands the power of nuclear weapons can escape his responsibility for the life of our people and the life of your children. It has never been the policy of any American to sympathetically or systematically place in hazard the life of this nation by threatening 1 Department of State Bulletin, Aug. 81, 1964, p. 299-800. nuclear war. No American President has ever pursued so irresponsible a course. Our firmness at moments of crisis has always been matched by restraint-our determination by care. It was so under President Truman at Berlin, under President Eisenhower in the Formosa Straits, under President Kennedy in the Cuba missile crisis—and I pledge you that it will be so long as I am your President. In Viet-Nam, in Cyprus, and in every continent, in a hundred different ways, America's efforts are directed toward world order. Only when all nations are willing to accept peaceful procedures as alternative to forceful settlement will the peace of our world be secure. (After several weeks of rapid political developments in South Vietnam, during which General Khanh briefly relinquished the premiership, the Secretary of State was questioned at a press conference.) 51. SECRETARY RUSK'S NEWS CONFERENCE, SEPTEMBER 14, 1964 (Excerpt). 1 Q. Mr. Secretary, what in your judgment is the impact of the uprising in Viet-Nam yesterday on the future prospects for getting on with the war? A. Well, we hope very much that the events of the last 2 days will underline the importance of the projected plan which the triumvirate announced 10 days ago to constitute a council, broadly representative of the major elements in the population, whose task it will be in the weeks immediately ahead to devise a constitution for the country which will make it possible for all elements in the country to be represented, and to bring more civilians into the government to take on those tasks that are essentially civilian in character and permit the military leaders to concentrate more and more of their attention on the war against the Viet Cong. We know this has been in their minds-in the minds of the military leaders for some time. And the machinery which was established under the leadership of the Acting Chief of State, General [Duong Van] Minh, seemed to us to be a way to move on that purpose with dispatch. We do believe that it was important and gratifying that these recent incidents did not lead to armed conflict and to violence among elements of the armed forces, and we hope that these incidents will have a stabilizing effect and that people, having now seen this prospect of violence which was avoided, will now recognize the importance of getting on with it through consultation and movement toward a stable and more permanent constitutional system. Q. Mr. Secretary, do we have a good, intelligible analysis of what the elements in the unrest are in Saigon today? A. Well, if you are referring to the events of these past 2 days, I think that it is fair to say that basically this came from the disgruntlement of certain officers in connection with their removal from command and their removal from office. We did not have any reason to suppose that the troops and the junior officers of the elements that were moved into Saigon from nearby areas had a political program in mind or that they were particularly aware of what was going on. 1 Department of State Bulletin, Oct. 5, 1964, pp. 468-470. |