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46 was the patronus of the Allobroges, probably because Q. Fabius Maximas had conquered them. Cf. de Off. 1, 12, 35. So Cicero was the patronus of the Sicilians.-Hospitiisque. Such ties of hospitality

often grew into the relation of patron and client, and increased the dignity and authority of the Roman citizen who was the patron. 11. Urbanis opibus = auctoritate et potentia amicorum et clientum urbanorum.

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12. Igitur inquam (Z. 739), and in this connection with igitur the pronoun is not is but hic, since the latter refers more distinctly to the preceding.

15. Consulatus memoriam. Compare 3 Cat. 11, 26.

16. Dum erit. Dum with the future = quamdiu.

21. Suo solius. The genitive solius agreeing with the genitive implied in the possessive suo. See Krebs' Guide, § 105.

24. De aris ac focis. A well-known formula for private dwellings. For foci were fireplaces in the atrium for sacrifices to the household gods (lares), and are were little altars in the impluvium for sacrifices to the guardian deities (penates).—De fanis atque templis. P. C. p. 128, note y.

The result of this debate is given in the General Introduction, p. 144.

It may here be briefly stated, that the genuineness of the Orations against Catiline has not been unquestioned. Each in its turn has been attacked. The second oration was early assailed, in consequence of a remark of F. A. Wolf, that one of the four was spurious, he at the same time adding, "esse alteram e mediis duabus." Wolf however, it appears, intended the third, and he seems to have adopted this opinion from a suggestion made by Eichstädt. But the genuineness of the fourth oration has been most warmly assailed, and by the largest number. The first had escaped, until recently it has found an assailant in R. A. Morstadt. Orelli (Oratt. selectt. Cicer. pp. 176-182) endeavors to prove that all, with the single exception of the first oration, are spurious. But notwithstanding these attacks, the genuineness of these orations has had able defenders in Madvig, Drumann, and many oth

ers.

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THE ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW.

INTRODUCTION.

MITHRIDATES, king of Pontus, had been checked in his plans of conquest and aggrandizement, by L. Sulla, as early as A. U. c. 669, by the battles of Charoneia and Orchomenos, and compelled to restrict himself to the dominions which he held before the commencement of the war. But he had from this time improved every opportunity to carry into effect his long-cherished hopes. Therefore, in the years 671 to 673, he had renewed the war, and defeated the Roman general, Murena, near Sinope. In 680, while the Roman arms were occupied in Spain with Sertorius, in Italy with Spartacus, while too the pirates who infested the coasts of Cilicia and Insauria, increasing in boldness after the downfall of Carthage, caused alarm along the sea and coasts of the Roman empire, Mithridates thought the most favorable moment had arrived for carrying his plans into execution, and directed his first effort to grasp Bithynia, which, by the will of king Nicomedes, was to become a Roman province. In pursuit of similar aims he sought to gain his son-in-law Tigranes, king of Armenia, and commenced a secret correspondence with Sertorius in Spain, for the purpose of bringing about some concert of action. The consuls of the year 680, L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta, marched against Mithridates from Rome, and although Cotta lost a battle on land and sea, Lucullus was afterwards so successful on land, that he not only signally defeated Mithridates in several battles and drove him from his kingdom, but also several times routed, in the years 685 and 686, Tigranes, who had received and protected Mithridates in his flight. Thus Lucullus probably would have completely frustrated the last efforts of the combined kings, if other circumstances, of which he was partly the cause, had not prevented. Lucullus had received his army in a wretched and insubordinate condition, but as a skilful general he had brought them under subordination thus far by strict discipline, until his insatiable avarice, which he sought to gratify at the expense of the legions, excited the minds of the soldiers against his severity. It was thus easy for his enemies in Rome, who, without his knowledge, had their agents even in his army, to foment insurrections in his legions, and in this way so to paralyze his energy, that Mithridates was enabled again to establish himself in Pontus. Thus his opponents in Rome, at the head of whom was Pompey, succeeded in effecting his recall from the command of the army, A. U. c. 687. He was succeeded by M'. Acilius Glabrio, consul of this year, who, however, showed such incapacity and so little activity, that Mithridates disgracefully defeated two Roman legates, Fabius and Triarius. At the same time also the pirates from the coast of Cilicia and Isauria, against whom Servilius Isauricus, M. Antonius, and Cæcilius Metellus Creticus had fought, had made the most daring assaults upon Roman territory and property, and caused serious losses to the public treasury as well as to private individuals. This state of things led the tribune, A. Gabinius, a friend of Pompey, to propose a law that some one should be clothed with extraordinary powers for three years for the purpose of putting

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ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW.

an end to the disturbance of the pirates, who carried on open and formal war against Rome. Although this bill was directed less against the pirates than the existing constitution of the state itself, since that "some one" could be no other than Cn. Pompey, who after his consulship had remained in Rome without a province, and only thought how he might secure to himself political preponderance, it nevertheless was passed, and Pompey received the command on all seas and coasts for 400 stadia inland with the most extensive powers. Pompey executed this trust with such success, that within fifty days he had entirely conquered the pirates and in part brought them back to a better mode of life. But instead of laying down his power after the conclusion of the war against the pirates, he sought to extend it still more, and when Mithridates came forth against Glabrio with renewed strength, L. Manilius, a tribune, of Pompey's party, A. U. c. 688, proposed a bill that the extraordinary powers conferred on Pompey should not only be prolonged, but extended so as to include Pontus, Bithynia, and Armenia. This bill was opposed by many patriotic citizens, as Catulus and Hortensius, but C. Julius Cæsar supported it from deep political motives, and M. Tullius Cicero, who had been chosen prætor, recommended it to the people in this oration, the first he ever addressed to the assembled people, and in this year, 688, under the consulship of M'. Æmilius Lepidus and L. Volcatius Tullus the bill was carried. The Romans, however, had no occasion to regret the step they took.

ANALYSIS

In this lucid and finished oration the orator commences with a modest recital of the reasons which have hitherto prevented him from addressing the people from the rostra, testifies his gratitude for the office of prætor conferred upon him by the people, and promises to devote the influence of his office, and his eloquence to the good of the state. (Ch. 1.) He then briefly reviews the condition of the Romans in Asia Minor and the position of Mithridates, which had occasioned the Lex Manilia (§ 4, 5), and distributes his speech into three parts; the first of which treats of the character of the war, the second of the magnitude, and the third of the general in whom are found the qualifications requisite to bring it to a successful issue. (§ 6.)

(1.) On the first head, the character of the war, the orator shows (a) that the honor and dignity of the Roman people are endangered (§ 6-11); (b) that the protection of the allies in Asia deserves the closest attention (§ 12, 13); (c) that the largest and surest revenues of the state are exposed to the greatest danger, if help is not speedily rendered (§ 14-16); (d) that the property of many Roman citizens, especially of the farmers of the revenue and of merchants, is depreciated, so that in Rome itself the most disastrous consequences to the credit of the state must ensue. (§ 17, 18)

(2.) Cicero speaks of the greatness and importance of the war, mentions with due praise the many and great victories of Lucullus (§ 20, 21), shows, however, at the same time, how powerful Mithridates has again become since his defeats, (a) by the aid of Tigranes and many nations of Asia; (b) by the resistance of the army which has refused to follow its general; (c) by the return of Mithridates to his kingdom, and the frightful overthrow which he caused the Roman army when Lucullus had been recalled from the command by the Roman people. (§ 21-26.)

(3.) He seeks to show that to no other general than Pompey, who umtes in himself all the qualities of a commander, can the command in this war be given (27); for (a) he possesses the most accurate knowledge and experience of war (§ 28); (b) the greatest bravery as shown in the Italian, Sicilian, Gallic, and Servile wars ( 29, 30), and especially in the war against the pirates (§ 3136). He besides possesses the greatest purity of character and disinterestedness (§ 37-39); self-command (§ 40, 41); good faith, courtesy, eloquence, and humanity (42); respect and authority among all nations, friends and foes (◊ 43-46); and finally, the marked favor of fortune everywhere attends him (§ 47-49). He can besides best take charge of this war as he is already in the neighborhood of it. (50.)

The orator having sufficiently dwelt upon these points, proceeds to refute two opposite opinions (§ 51) :

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(1.) That of Hortensius, who had objected that all power ought not to be conferred upon one man. Cicero weakens this objection by showing that if the conduct of the war against the pirates, in accordance with this view of Hortensius, had not been given to Pompey, the welfare of the Roman people, nay, even its world supremacy would have been lost (§ 52-56). He thus gives to his own opinion greater weight, and casts suspicion upon that of Hortensius, as opposed to the welfare of the state. He further adds, what does not properly form a part of this cause, that some had unworthily opposed Gabinius, in preventing his appointment as legate to Pompey, when he had been the proposer of the Lex by which Pompey was charged with the command of the war against the pirates ( 57, 58).

(2.) That of Catulus (to whom he testifies his respect for his merits,) that such a proceeding was contrary to the institutions of their ancestors; by showing, (a) that the Roman people, for its own advantage, had often made exceptions and put many wars in charge of one man (§ 60); and (b) that Catulus himself had previously, to honor Pompey, voted for extraordinary measures. Praise of Pompey ( 60-62).

Finally, Cicero concludes with urging that, in accordance with the judgment of the people, Pompey should be appointed to the command of the army against Mithridates (63), especially because he possesses the self-control which is necessary in an Asiatic war (9 64-67). He then offsets to the authority of Hortensius and Catulus the views of other distinguished men who had supported the Manilian bill (◊ 68). At last, praise of Manilius for his bill, encouragement to perseverance, and, with the promise of his support, the most solemn assurance also that the orator has been influenced solely by the good of the state to defend this bill and cause (9 69-end).

DEX

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47 CH. I.—1. Frequens conspectus vester, by hypallage for conspectus frequentiæ vestræ. Cf. p. Planc. 1, 2: Nunc autem vester, judices, conspectus et consessus iste reficit et recreat mentem meam. 2. Multo jucundissimus. See Z. 108 and 487.-Hic autem loThe rostra, from which the orators addressed the people. Consult Dict. Antiq. ROSTRA.-Autem "and though," &c., serves to continue the discourse. See note on p. 30, line 23.—Ad agendum ... dicendum. The distinction between agere and dicere in this passage is given in Gell. 13, 15. Only magistrates had the right of submitting questions to the people (agere cum populo) for their approval or disapproval; while to harangue them was open to any one, though not invested with office, to whom the presiding magistrate gave the authority. Ad quod attinet ad. See note on p. 12, line 29.

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4. Hoc aditu laudis. The Rostra, the grand entrance to glory and fame at Rome.-Optimo cuique maxime patuit. Z. 710, b.

5. Vitæ meæ rationes. My chosen plan or course of life, i. e. pleading causes.

6. Ab ineunte ætate. Referring to manhood, not boyhood. At the age of 26 Cicero argued his first private cause for P. Quinctius, and in the following year his first public cause for Roscius of Ameria. -Nam, quum, &c. Three causes deterred him from the rostra: 1. his plans of life, 2. his modesty, 3. the talents and industry requisite for such an undertaking.

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7. Per ætatem. Cicero was now in his forty-first year, had been pleading causes for nearly twenty, and had held the offices of quæstor and ædile. Hujus auctoritatem loci hunc locum, qui auctoritatem tribuit concionantibus ex eo. But Benecke considers the words hic locus ad ag. amplissimus, ad dic. ornatissimus and hujus auct. loci attingere audeam, statueremque nihil huc nisi perfectum ingenio, &c., as mutually corresponding, and explanatory of each other. Locus ad agendum amplissimus is therefore one to which only magistrates and men of the highest dignity were admitted, and ad dicendum ornatissimus where the finished and elaborate eloquence of the most perfect orators was wont to be brought forward. Consequently, hujus auctoritatem loci is that to which the highest authority belongs, because from it men of the highest standing and influence were wont to consult the people.

10. Temporibus = Kaιpois. Cf. § 2: in privatorum periculis, and note on p. 15, line 31. Benecke is displeased with the play upon the words tempus.... temporibus.—Transmittendum = tribuendum. Cf. 14, 42: huic hoc tantum bellum transmittendum.

11. Ita neque hic locus. Sensus est: Eo pacto, dum privatis servio, vestram mihi benevolentiam conciliavi, quum interea tamen desertus hic locus non esset. Hotoman. For a dependent thought, which should be thrown in, as an intervening or accessory clause,

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