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but have missed him; yet he hath not a card of his suit with him ; so I shall snap him, when he comes into my hands.
Haslerigge. May we not play levet-coil? I have not patience to stay till another match be made, and I had as live be hanged, as sit out.
Nevil. I will not play for a farthing; besides that I love not the game, I am so dunned with the spleen, I should think on something else all the while I were a playing, and take in all the small cards; for I am all day dreaming of another game.
Waller. My lord, you have hanged my king, and I have no other way, than to play into your hands.
Whitlocke. I shall be content to play at any game, but shall be unwilling to play for a dead horse; yet I care not if I keep stakes. Knightly. My lord, give me leave to speak against your game, that so I may be thought not to bet; and then I shall be able to give such advice, as I may help you to play.
Roberts. I have the luck of it; I win as well at this game, as at the last, when I played at Loadam; I had all the small cards then, and now I have all the great ones.
Gerrard. I do not like the game so well, as to leave the match I have made for myself; yet I do not care, if I venture a little on your hand, and try if I can get a stock to set up my youngest son for a gamester.
Bernard. May I not talk as much as I will in your play, so long as I am resolved never to bet or play with you at this game, for a groat?
Vane. One had better, sometimes, play with a good gamester, than a bungler; for one knows not where to have him: If Cromwell had discarded, as he ought to have done, I had won my stake at it; as it is, I shall save myself; which, I fear, he will hardly do, though he mingles the cards well, when he deals himself, and hath excellent luck in cutting, when another deals.
Rich. I play a thousand times better, now I have a bad game, than when I had a good one.
Harrison. I played the fool, and went in for a fifth king, when there were but four in the stock.
Lawson. My lord, the game was not dealt you, you took it; I throw up my cards.
Streater. My lord, if you would curse and swear soundly, the game would become you, better than it doth, in regard you pretend so much to religion; I shall disturb you in the game, if I stand by; I see you play in the dark, therefore I must take my leave of your lordship, and bid you good night.
Noell. I make my fortune by lending the gamesters money. Young Trevor. Shall not I play? My lord protector has given me a stock, and I will pack the cards with all the cavalier-gamesters in the town.
Sir John Trevor. Well said, Jack; thou art none of my son, if thou beest not in all games, and canst carry a trump in thy pocket.
Harvey. They caught me playing false, and would let me play no longer, though I was on my lord protector's side.
Tichborne. I had reason to desire to play at council-picquet, since I am like to lose so much by another man's ill play.
Newdigute. I have lost by play, but I got by leaving off. Chute. There is such cheating, that I will play no longer. Purefoy. I will play at small game, rather than sit out; for I was never set at work.
Pride. Baxter and I are at the old foolish Christmas game with honours.
Monk. My lord, when you came to play, your stock was none of the greatest; but, since I see your good fortune, I am resolved still to play, as you do; especially since you have made me master of one of your great play-houses; but, above all things, if you can keep the bone in your hand, the dogs will follow you; if you can keep the treasure, the gamesters all croud to you.
Dissenting army-members. My lord, when you began the game, you promised us fair play above-board; but, since we see you begin to juggle, we will play no longer.
Exchequer. I must win at last, yet at present I have ill luck; for I have three knaves, and had cast out the fourth.
Upper Bench. Sure you are no better than a cheat; for I threw out one of them, and you have taken him up into your hands.
Common-Pleas. You served me the very same trick the last term, and took in one of them whom I discarded; but ye had best leave your cheating and wrangling, all of you, lest ye be found what ye are, and be forbid to keep a Christmas here any more; and then we be forced to set up a mis-rule in the country, where there are but small games, and the box will be poorly paid.
Chancery and Duchy. I am blank; if it had not been for the queen, I had cast out a knave, which now proves the best of my game.
Trustees. I have taken more than I should, I must reckon nothing.
Commissioners for Excise and Customs. Gentlemen, pay the
Presbyterian. I lost the last game for want of a king, and now have got one that doth me no good in the world; 1 had a good hand, but I played the fool, and threw him out; so that allm help depends on one card.
Independent. I have none but small cards, and they of several suits, so that I shall make little of it this bout.
National Minister. I went in for those cards, the bishops and deans parted with the last game; but, though I missed them, yet, if my tenths be good, I shall make shift till another dealing. Divine. I was picquet the last, but am now re-picquet. Papist. If you all complain, I hope I shall win at last.
Ir is to be noted, that the gentlemen, that have been eminent in this last dealing of the cards, played very fair in the former game here described, with a
Sic transit gloria mundi.
THE PREVENTING ANY DIFFERENCE BETWEEN HIS HIGHNESS AND THE PARLIAMENT
ABOUT THE RECOGNITION, THE NEGATIVE VOICE, AND THE
BY A LOVER OF HIS COUNTRY,
THAT DESIRES, AT THIS TIME, TO BE NAMELESS.
London: Printed for Giles Calvert, at the Black-fpread-Eagle, at the West-end of St. Paul's, 1659. Quarto, containing eight pages.
Though I look not upon the present dispute about the negative voice, and the command of the militia, as like to give us much trouble (for usurpations and tyrannies, once judged by God, never recover to rise again in the same form:) yet, to satisfy the doubts and fears of those honest souls, who see not what strength they have on their side, I shall desire them to be assured, that there is reason and equity sufficient to stop the mouth of such a claim, by any single person in this nation: And, therefore, we shall need no other compromise of this difference, but to reflect upon the rise and occasion of this government, from whence the nature and power of it will best appear.
HE present form of government, then, as it varies from a republick, was begotten by necessity. For the nation having traversed all the ways of a parliament and council of state; and seen all they could afford, and at length, finding through long continuance, as standing waters, they did corrupt, discontent gathered and fermented, and sought where it might most advantageously discover itself; and so fell in with the power of the army; and the person of the then general, whom they had found so stout and faithful, and withal successful; and was willing to throw them1 selves and their cause into his arms and protection, consenting that he should use any means, yea, though he were most arbitrary therein, to ease them of their old masters, whom they could bear no longer. So that, as I said, it was pure necessity and straight, that cast us here, and not any affection to monarchick government. The clear intent and expectation of the honest people, that were accessory to the devolving the power here, being: That that per
son should in the name and power of God (or of his own truth and righteousness, which was supposed to be in him) administer the power of these nations, to settle us in freedom and peace upon all accounts, both civil and spiritual; and they never dreamed of a monarch or a family interest, nor did they imagine any need of cautioning it here. Though others, wiser heads (such, who perhaps, by the opportunity of their high places, had approached nearer this temptation in their own hearts) did foresee, and were aware, what might be the consequence and product of this over-hasty credulity and trust, as afterwards indeed it came to pass.
§. II. The protector did clearly run biass to the honest intentions of those, that wished him the administration of the power, when he made himself a civil ruler. But changes in states and governments being brought with such pangs and throws, as are very uneasy and dangerous, they are not every day's work. It was in vain to retract or withdraw the trust committed to the general, though many disliked the way he went; nor could men believe, that the late passages and transactions could ever grow into such oblivion, as that he, or any man, should think that this nation should be willing to match the militia and the scepter together in the government, but only in his person, whom they looked upon as an extraordinary person: They having fought against it in the person of the late king.
§. III. Hereditary succession in the government being so much disgusted by the honest patriots in the late parliament, the nomination of the immediate succession was indulged; his late highness, as an expedient to satisfy the then present, powerful strivings for hereditary succession, which was not neither yielded unto, but upon a very high confidence of the spirit and principles of his late highness, to carry him above all private respects, in the exccution of the trust of nomination.
§. IV. His now highness, being in possession of the government, takes therewith the power of the militia, which was invested in his father, and he conceives also the negative voice to descend upon him with the civil government. The question is, whether in truth it do so, or no? I conceive not; and first for the militia, it is true, the supreme command of all the armies in the three nations was in his late highness; but not as he was protector, but as gencral, which he was, before he was protector. So that the protector or civil government was annexed to the militia, not the militia to the civil government; or rather the power of administring to a civil settlement was annexed to the person, not to the power or office of the general; and that upon the reputation of his personal virtue: His military power and capacity serving only as a strength and security to him, in the due exercise of the power of civil administration intrusted. So that it was not Oliver Cromwell as protector, or the supreme civil magistrate that was made general; nor Oliver Cromwell as general simply, that was made protector; but Oliver Cromwell, general of such a spirit, of such integrity and faithfulness, that the like qualified person was not to be found in the three
nations, that was thought fit for all the power that could be cast upon him.
§. V. As for the negative voice, as it was never disputed with his late highness, where it was suffered to sleep as in a safe hand, for his personal virtues; so was it never, since it was taken away from, or rather with the king and kingly government, concredited, or betrusted with any power or person. And, indeed, it is a thing altogether superfluous as well as dangerous; for take away from parliaments, who, sure in this light, that is risen upon us, cannot be imagined, from their source and fountain, the generality and body of the nation, to bring with them that choice discerning, which is singular, to judge of spiritual things: I say, take away from them the coercive power, in things spiritual, and purely of the mind, and admit them, as children of this world, to be so wise in their generation, as to be able to judge, what is good and behoofeful for the nation, wherein their stakes and interests lie; and what use will there be of a negative voice in a commonwealth as we are, or should be, where no distinct personal or family interest, is, or ought to be owned, but what is one with the commonwealth, and in a subserviency thereunto?
§. VI. The negative voice, therefore, being out of doors with kingship, and we having no civil head now that is master of the commonwealth, but a servant to it; that was set up for that end, though an honourable servant, and it is fit he should be so maintained: The resolution is easy.
Let his present highness be acknowledged and confirmed as su preme magistrate in these three nations.
Let the officers of the army choose their general, and let him have his commission from the protector and parliament.
Let his highness, now being with the parliament, have the power of disposing and commanding these forces, and of making war and peace.
The light, in which these things do evidence and offer themselves to the judgment and consciences of men, is manifest.
For the first, a single person cannot hurt us, if an unfit power be not concredited and betrusted with him. When we engaged against a king, it was not against a single person simply; but so stated and circumstanced, arbitrary, tyrannical, with a luxurious court, a burthensome state, &c. For this is a principle we never intended, by that engagement, to engage against what might be useful to us, no rational man would do so, but what we found hurtful. Therefore the single person may stand.
2. When we admitted a single person, and abated so much of the circumstance, we gave not up the substance of our cause; therefore be not baffled in that: But, if we give the single person a negative voice,, and the dispose of the militia, we give up the very heart and substance of our cause. Therefore, part not with that.
Neither, indeed, can his highness, who is but a single person, expect, whoever should invest him with the sole command of the