Neckar's

complaint, but firmly resist all rapid encroachments CHAP. II. of popular ambition. All restrictions upon personal 1789. liberty, industry, or property; all oppressive taxes; Effect of all odious personal distinctions should be abandon- concessions. ed; all prosecutions calculated to inflame the passions, and convert a demagogue into a martyr, should be avoided. If punishment is required, the mildest which the case will admit should be chosen; in selecting the species of prosecution, the least vindictive should be preferred. The inflicting of death should, above all things, be shunned, unless for crimes which public feeling has stigmatized as worthy of that penalty. But having conceded thus much to the principles of justice, and the growth of freedom, all attempts at a sudden increase of the power of the people should be steadily opposed, and nothing conceded which tends to awaken the passion of democracy.

In so far as Neckar and Turgot laboured to relieve the real evils of France; in so far as they sought to re-establish the finances, curb the powers of the nobles, emancipate the industry of the peasants, purify the administration of justice, their labours were wise and beneficial, and they did all that men could do, to terminate the oppression, and avert the disasters, of their country. In so far as they yielded to public clamour, and conceded unnecessarily to the ambition of the people; in so far as they departed, with undue rapidity, from ancient institutions to acquire temporary popularity, they deserve the censure of posterity, and are answerable for all the disasters which ensued.

The talent of using political power so as not to abuse it, is one of the last acquisitions of mankind, and can be gained only by many ages of protected industry, and experienced freedom. It can never

CHAP. II. with safety be extended to the great body of the 1789. people, and least of all, to a nation just emerging from

the fetters of servitude: unless the growth of political influence in the lower orders has been as gradual as the changes of time, or the insensible extension of day in spring, it will infallibly destroy the personal freedom which constitutes its principal object. A certain intermixture of the democratic spirit is often indispensable to the extrication of individual liberty, just as a certain degree of warmth is requisite to vivify and cherish animal life; but, unless the fire is restrained within narrow limits, it will consume those who are exposed to its fierceness, not less in political than private life.

The

The love of real freedom may always be distinguished from the passion for popular power. one is directed to objects of practical importance, and the redress of experienced wrongs; the other aims at visionary improvement, and the increase of democratic influence. The one complains of what has been felt, the other anticipates what may be gained; disturbances arising from the first subside, when the evils from which they spring are removed; troubles originating in the second magnify with every victory which is achieved. The experience of evil is the cause of agitation from the first; the love of power the source of convulsions from the last. Reform and concessions are the remedies appropriate to the former; steadiness and resistance the means of extinguishing the flame arising from the latter. The passion of love is not more dependent on the smiles of beauty, than the passion of democracy on the hope of successive augmentations of power.

It is the intention of Nature, that the power of the people should increase as society advances; but

it is not her intention that this increase should take CHAP. II. place in such a way as to convulse the state, and ulti- 1789. mately extinguish their own freedom. All improvements that are really beneficial, all changes which are destined to be lasting, are gradual in their progress. It is by suddenly increasing the power of the lower orders that the frame of society is endangered, because the immediate effect of such a change is to unsettle men's minds, and bring into full play the most visionary and extravagant ideas of the most desperate and ambitious men. Such an effect was produced in France by the duplication of the Tiers Etat in 1788; and similar consequences will, in all ages, be found to attend the concession of great political powers, at a period of more than ordinary political excitation.*

"No Revolution," says Madame de Staël, "can succeed in a great country, unless it is commenced by Revolution the aristocratical class; the people afterwards get headed by Higher possession of it, but they cannot strike the first blows. Classes. When I recollect that it was the parliaments, the nobles, the clergy, who first strove to limit the royal authority, I am far from intending to insinuate that their design in so doing was culpable. A sincere enthusiasm then animated all ranks of Frenchmen; public spirit had spread universally, and among the higher classes, the most enlightened and generous, were those who ardently desired that public opinion should have its due sway on the direction of affairs. But can the privileged ranks, who commenced the

• This distinction coincides with that which is drawn by the Viscount St Chamans, in his late able and eloquent pamphlet on the Revolution of 1830, between personal and political freedom. It lies at the foundation of all rational discussion on this vital subject.-See ST CHAMANS, 67, 68.

1789.

Rév. Franç. i.

125.

CHAP. II. Revolution, accuse those who only carried it on? Some will say, we wished only that the changes should proceed a certain length; others, that they should go a step farther; but who can regulate the impulse of a great people when once put in motion ?" A heavy responsibility attaches to those of the higher ranks, who, during periods of agitation, support the demands of the populace for a sudden increase of power, instead of directing their desires to what may really benefit them, the redress of experienced evils. On their heads rest all the disasters and bloodshed which necessarily follow in their train. It is difficult to say which are most worthy of reprobation; the haughty aristocrats, who resist every attempt at practical improvement when it can be done with safety, or the factious demagogues, who urge on additions to popular power when it threatens society with convulsions. The true patriot is the reverse of both; he will, in every situation, attach himself to the party which resists the evils that threaten his country; in periods when liberty is endangered, he will side with the popular, in moments of agitation, support the monarchical party.

CHAPTER III.

CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY.

ARGUMENT.

Elevated state of Science in France at the commencement of the RevolutionRash innovations of the Constituent Assembly-Opening of the States-GeneralSpeech of the King and Neckar-His ideas of the Revolution-Views of the Tiers Etat-And of the Nobles and dignified Clergy-And of the King-Neckar's duplication of the Tiers Etat-Violent opposition to it from the Nobles and Clergy-Remarkable Prophecy of Beau Regard-Composition of the Tiers Etat -Absence of Men of Literature and Philosophy, and great Proprietors-Great number of Lawyers-Efforts of Nobles and Court to sway the Assembly-Tiers Etat insist for one Assembly-Violent contests between them and the NoblesThey take the name of National Assembly-Dismay of the Nobles-Enthusiasm over the Country-Neckar proposes a mixed Constitution, like the EnglishTennis Court Oath-Majority of the Clergy join the Tiers Etat-Royal Sitting of 23d June Duke of Orleans and Forty-seven Nobles join the Tiers Etat-The King yields, and enjoins majority of Nobles to do the same-Immense effervescence in Paris-Revolt of the French Guards-Vigorous Measures resolved on by the Court-Change of Ministry-Military Preparations-Consternation of Paris on this-Troops revolt, and are withdrawn to Versailles-Dreadful Tumults in Paris-Storming of the Bastile-Cruelty of the Populace, and their enthusiasm The King, being informed of it, yields, and visits Paris-Commencement of the emigration-Recall of Neckar, and flight of the Ministry— Excesses of the populace-Consequences of the popular triumph of National Guards-Feudal rights abandoned by the nobility-Anarchy in France, and famine in Paris-Consequences of this measure-Rights of man-Formation of the constitution, and question of the veto-Democratic state of Paris-State of the finances Famine in the capital and provinces-Banquet at Versailles-Agitation and insurrection at Paris-State of the Assembly and Court-The mob invade Versailles, surround the palace, and nearly murder the King and Queen-Heroic conduct of the latter-Royal Family brought to Paris-Vast changes introduced by the Constituent Assembly-Faults on both sides-General reflections on the causes which precipitated the Revolution.

THE higher branches of science, says Plato, are CHAP. III. not useful to all, but only to a few; general ignorance 1789. is neither the greatest evil, nor the most to be feared ; a mass of ill-digested information is much more dan