of Mirabeau would have failed in rousing the people CHAP. V. on the 10th August; the energy of Danton would 1792. have brought him to the block in the commencement of the Revolution; the ambition of Napoleon would have been shattered against the democratic spirit of 1789. Those great men successively rose to eminence, because their temper of mind fell in with the current of public thought, while their talents enabled them to assume its direction. Mirabeau represented the Constituent Assembly: free in thought, bold in expression, undaunted in speculation, but tinged by the remains of monarchical attachment, and fearful of the excesses its hasty measures were so well calculated to produce. Vergniaud was the model of the ruling party under the Legislative Body: republican in wishes, philosophic in principle, humane in intention, but precipitate and reckless in conduct, blinded by ambition, infatuated by speculation, ignorant of the world and the mode of governing it, alike destitute of the firmness to command, the wickedness to ensure, or the vigour to seize success. Danton was the representative of the Jacobin faction: unbounded in ambition, unfettered by principle, undeterred by blood; who rose in eminence with the public danger, because his talents were fitted to direct, and his energies were never cramped by the fear of exciting popular excesses. It is such men, in every age, who have ultimately obtained the lead in public convulsions; like the vultures, which, invisible in ordinary times, are attracted, by an unerring instinct, to the scene of blood, and reap the last fruits of the discord and violence of others. CHAPTER VI. FRENCH REPUBLIC-FROM THE DETHRONEMENT TO THE Progressive deterioration of the ruling power in France during the Revolution -Causes of this change-Fury of the populace after the storming of the palace— Reappointment of the Girondist Ministry-Disposal of the King and Royal Fa mily-They are transferred to the Temple—The armies follow the Revolution at Paris-Fall and flight of La Fayette-Great influence of Danton, Marat, and Robespierre-Their character-They insist for a tribunal to try offenders against the Revolution-First institution of the Revolutionary Tribunal-Consternation occasioned by the advance of the Prussians-Plan for a massacre in the prisonsBarriers closed to prevent escape of suspected persons-Energetic plans of Danton -Massacre in the prisons-Of the Abbaye-Speech of Billaud Varennes to the murderers-Massacre in the prison of Carmes-Death of the Princess Lamballe -Feeble conduct of the Assembly-Infernal circular by the municipality of Paris to the other authorities in France-Their enormous and undiscovered plunder -Termination of the Legislative Assembly-Elections for the Convention-Predigious influence of the Jacobin clubs on them-Meeting of the Convention-It proclaims a Republic-Changes the Calendar-Strife of the Girondists and Jacobins Their character-Vergniaud, Guadet, Gensonne-Barbaroux-Jacobins Girondists form the right, Jacobins the left of the Assembly-Mutual recriminations of the Girondists and Jacobins-State of finances-Fresh issue of Assignats -Completely democratic constitution, with universal suffrage, established-Great disorders and massacres in France-Accusation of Marat by the GirondistsLouvet arraigns Robespierre-His reply and acquittal-Girondists in vain propose a guard for the Convention-Jacobins spread reports of the division of the Republic-Preparations for the trial of Louis-Violent agitation commenced by the Jacobins-Discovery of the Iron Closet in the Tuileries-Preliminary point -Could Louis be tried by the Convention ?-Debate on the subject in the Convention-Majority determine he may be tried-Conduct of the Royal Family since their captivity-They are separated from each other-King brought to the bar of the Assembly-His return to the Temple-Generous devotion of Malesherbes and Tronchet-Splendid peroration of Desezes-Debate on the accusation -Louis is condemned contrary to the opinions of almost all its members-His death resolved on-Dignified conduct of Louis-His last interview with his family -His last communion-and-execution-Reflections on his character, and on that event. CHAP. VI. FROM the first commencement of the contest, each 1792. successive class that had gained the ascendency in France, had been more violent and more tyrannical deteriora tion of the powers of than that which preceded it. The convocation of the CHAP. VI. States-General, and the oath in the Tennis Court, 1792. were the struggles of the nation against the privi- Progressive leged classes; the 14th July, and the capture of the Bastile, the insurrection of the middling class against ruling the government; the 10th August, the revolt of the France. populace against the middling class and the constitutional throne. The leaders of the National Assembly were, in great part, actuated by the purest motives, and their measures chiefly blamable for the precipitance which sprung from inexperienced philanthropy: the measures of the Convention, tinged by the ferocity of popular ambition, and the increasing turbulence of excited talent: the rule of the Jacobins was signalized by the energy of unshackled guilt, and stained Mig. i. by the cruelty of emancipated slaves.' 66 Subjects," says Tacitus, "cannot, without the greatest danger, subvert the ruling power; for thence, in general, arises a necessity for crime: to avoid the consequences of a single rash act, men are obliged to plunge into the greatest excesses." The career of guilt is the same in nations as individuals; when once commenced, it cannot, without the utmost resolution, be abandoned. The ultimate acts of atrocity in which they both terminate, are, in general, the result of necessity of the pressure arising from excited passion, or the terror produced by anticipated punishment. The power of repentance exists only in the commencement. If we would avoid the last deeds of blood, we must shun the first seductive. path. There is nothing extraordinary, or contrary to what might have been anticipated, in this progress. The people are, in all ages, either swayed by their interests, or ruled by their passions: the force of intellect, all-powerful in the review of the past, is 1 196. CHAP. VI. seldom felt in judging of the present. The cause is 1792. apparent, and has long ago been stated by Mr Hume: in judging of the actions of others, we are influenced only by our reason, or our feelings in acting for 1 Hume, vi. ourselves, we are governed by our reason, our feelings, and our passions.1 142. change. It is a total mistake to suppose that the great body Cause of this of mankind are capable of judging correctly on public affairs. No man, in any rank, ever found a tenth part of his acquaintance who were fitted for such a task. If the opinions of most men on the great questions which divide society, are examined, they will be found to rest on the most flimsy foundations: early prejudice, personal animosity, private interest, constitute the secret springs from which the opinions flow which ultimately regulate their conduct. Truth, indeed, is, in the end, triumphant; but it becomes predominant only upon the decay of interests, the experience of suffering, or the extinction of passion. The fabric of society is, in ordinary times, kept together, and moderation impressed upon the measures of government by the contrary nature of these interests, and the opposing tendency of these desires. Reason is sometimes heard, when the struggles of party, or the contentions of faction, have exhausted each other. The stability of free institutions arises from the counteracting nature of the forces, which they constantly bring into action on each other. • Hall's America, ii, 173. These considerations furnish the eternal and unanswerable objection to democratical institutions. Wherever governments are directly exposed to their control, they are governed during periods of tranquillity by the cabals of interest, during moments of turbulence by the storms of passion. America, at present, exhibits an example of the former: France, during the Reign of Terror, an instance of the latter. 1792. Those who refer to the original equality, and com- CHAP. VI. mon rights of mankind, would do well to show, that men are equal in abilities as well as in birth; that society could exist with the multitude really judging for themselves on public affairs; that the most complicated subject of human study-that in which the greatest range of information is involved, and the coolest judgment required, can be adequately mastered by those who are disqualified by nature from the power of thought, disabled by labour from acquiring knowledge, and exposed by situation to the seductions of interest; that the multitude, when exercising their rights, are not following despotic leaders of their own creation; and that a democracy is not, in Aristotle's words, "an aristocracy of orators, sometimes interrupted by the monarchy of a single orator." When the different classes, during the convulsions of a revolution, are brought into collision, the virtuous and prudent have no sort of chance with the violent and ambitious, unless the whole virtuous members of the community are early roused to a sense of their danger, and manfully unite in resisting. In the later stages of such troubles, it is extremely difficult for them to recover their ascendency; unless they are resolute and united it is impossible. This is another consequence of the same principle. .In the shock of a battle, gentleness and humanity are of little avail: audacity and courage are the decisive qualities. In the contests of faction, wisdom and moderation have as little influence. The virtuous are restrained by scruples, to which the unprincipled are strangers: difficulties which appear· insurmountable to men accustomed to weigh the consequences of their actions, vanish before the |