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not in thought the same adjectival character in the numeral as there is in the nounal group. If I say bright stars, fabled graces, uncertain seas, receptive senses, these adjectives have the same relation to their substantives, whether those substantives be taken in the plural or in the singular. Whereas the numerals two, three, four, five, belong to their substantives only conjointly and not severally. It may have been a dim sense of this difference that caused the vacillation which has appeared in language about the adjectival declension of numerals. In Saxon the first three numerals were declined. Thus, preora is genitive of preo: Pis is þæra þreora hida land gemære’- This is the landmeer of the three hides.' (A.D. 749.)
458. This group is exceedingly retentive of antiquity. Not only is there a radical identity in the numerals throughout the Gothic family, but these again are identical with the numerals of other families of languages. This indicates a very high antiquity. We may illustrate this fact by comparative tables. First, we will compare the different forms assumed by the numerals in some of the chief branches of our own Gothic family, and then we will pass beyond that limit and take into our comparison some of the most illustrious languages of the Indo-European stock.
THE TALE OF CARDINAL NUMBERS IN
tuttugu anandtwentig, &c. twenty-one, &c. tuttugu ok einn threis-tigjus thrittig
ICELANDIC ain ân one
twa, twegen two, twain tveir, tvennir threis threo three
thrir fidwor feower four
átta niun nigon nine
thrírtigir fidwor-tigjus feowertig forty
fjórirtigir fimf-tigjus fiftig
fimmtigir saihs-tigjus sixtig
sextigir sibun-têhund hund-seofontig seventy
sjautigir ahtau-têhund hund-eahtatig eighty
áttatigir niun-têhund hund-nigontig ninety
níutigir taihun-têhund or Hund or hundte- Hundred
hund-twelftig hundred & twenty twa hunda twa hund
two hundred thrija hunda threo hund three hundred, &c. thusendi thusend thousand.
thúsund deszimt ekadasan hendeka
hundrede og tyve hundert und zwanzig
Drei hundert tusinde
tausend 459. In consequence of the luxuriant declension of the numerals in Sanskrit, I have followed the authority of Bopp's Grammar for the theme' in each case; that is to say,
the part of the word which is present or implied in each of the various forms under which it appears in literature.
LATIN. LITHUANIAN. WELSH. eka hen
tri chatur tessar
kettur pedwar panchan pente
quinque penki pump shash hex
szeszi chwech saptan hepta
septem septyni saith ashtan okto
undecim wēnā-lika 2 unarddeg dvadasan dodeka
duodecim dwy-lika deuddeg trayodasan triskaideka tredecim try-lika triarddeg chaturdasan tessareskaideka quatuordecim keturō-lika pedwararddeg pancadasan pentekaideka quindecim
pymtheg shodasan hekkaideka
unarbymtheg saptadasan heptakaideka septendecim
dauarbymtheg astadasan oktokaideka octodecim
pedwararbynivinsati eikosi viginti dwideszinti ugain
[theg trinsat triakonta triginta
deg ar hugain chatvarinsat tesserakonta quadraginta
deugain panchasat pentekonta quinquaginta
deg a deugain shashti hexakonta sexaginta
triugain saptati hebdomēkonta septuaginta.
deg a thriugain asiti ogdoēkonta octoginta
pedwarugain navati enenēkonta nonaginta
deg a phedwarusatam hekaton
szimtas cant [gain
1 For dakan.
2 For wēno-dika. Michel Bréal, Grammaire Comparée par Bopp, Tomė ii. p. 233.
460. It is in the Ordinal numbers that the numeral more particularly assumes the adjectival character. We retain all the Ordinals in their Saxon form except two, namely, first and second. First rose into its place from the dialects; but second was borrowed from the French-a solitary instance among the Numerals, properly so called. The Saxon word in its place was OTHER, a word which has now a pronominal value only. It had this pronominal value in ancient times, in the Old High German andar and in the Mosogothic anthar. This equivocal use it doubtless was which caused our adoption in this single case of a French Ordinal. The Germans also have discarded ander from the numerical function probably for the same reason; and they have made a new Ordinal for that place after the prevalent type, der zweite.
461. Adverbial numerals are such as once, twice, thrice, four times, &c., where it is to be observed that the difference of adverbial form between the first three numerals and their successors is of a piece with the fact that these three were and others were not, or at last not in an equal degree, declinable in Saxon. It is generally found in languages that the earlier numerals are the more liable to flexion. The adverbs once, twice, thrice, are in fact genitival forms under a frenchified orthography. In the Ormulum they are spelt thus, aness, twizess, thrizess. But even when divested of their French garb, they do not prove to be old Saxon forms. In Saxon times the genitive was not used for this purpose : there was indeed an adverbial ANES (genitive of Ân, one) but it meant ‘at one,' of one accord.' For once, twice, thrice, the Saxon was æne, tuwa, thriwa. But although our forms are not ancient, their distinctness from the rest of their series is founded upon an ancient distinction. For in the correponding Saxon series there was a like transition: the next terms were feower sidon, fif siðon, &c.
The numerals have been inserted in this place as a sort of appendix to the nounal group, because of their manifest affinity to that group. At the same time, enough has been said to indicate that they have a several character of their own, and that it would be unphilological to let them be absorbed into any class of words whatever.
That this is the proper place for the numerals we conclude not only from their assimilation to the nounal group on the one hand, but also from certain traces of affinity which they bear to the pronouns on the other.