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POLITICAL SLANDER.

BY STEPHEN WRIGHT KELLOGG, SHELBURNE, MASS.

WHEN a man once abandons the tranquil pursuits of private life, and launches on the boisterous and troubled sea of politics, he must expect a hard and a toilsome career. For without such an expectation he will surely be disheartened and driven back, by the buffetings of its winds and waves. He must also possess an unusual degree of firmness, a readiness to meet difficulties and tact to surmount them, in order to stem successfully the currents of popular passion, and weather the storms of party excitement. But one thing he must meet, which falls to the lot of the public man, in far greater measure than to any other citizen. Calumny and reproach he must endure. He must be content to witness his name coupled with every vile and opprobrious epithet in the language; to see his character traduced, and his motives impugned; to have his fair fame stained and sullied with charges and accusations of the deepest dye; and in short, he must be willing to stand as a public mark, for a thousand rancorous opponents to hurl each his shaft of malice, tipped with the poison of detraction and falsehood. Such a position, however much it may be sought, is surely an unenviable one; and it is calculated to prevent many from engaging in public life, who might otherwise render distinguished service to their country. It is a position, too, as unjust as it is unenviable, to the upright and patriotic statesman; and we refer chiefly to such, in speaking against this practice of reviling public men. The dishonest politician, the man of knavish cunning and reckless character-who is ever ready to sacrifice the public weal to personal ambition-who "lives and moves and has his being" in an atmosphere of political juggling and chicanery— is seldom visited with more of public censure than he deserves. Indeed, we think such a man is often more honored and applauded, than the honest, candid, and deserving statesman. It is the great evil of political excitements, under such a system of government as ours, that the artful and unprincipled, by dint of loud and ostentatious professions of devotion to their country, are often able to win the honors, which belong to sterling worth and sincere patriotism. Good men are often loaded with unmerited abuse, while bad men enjoy public favor and rewards equally unmerited.

It is a favorite saying among us, that a constant and watchful jealousy towards public men and public measures, is essential to the preservation of a republican government. Nothing can be more true than this principle, when carried to a certain extent. Should we once cease to exercise a proper scrutiny over those to whom we have entrusted the care of our dearest institutions, and fall into a careless confidence in our rulers, we should soon have cause to repent bitterly our indifference. For such a state of things would present to men in power, a temptation too strong to be resisted. Private interest and

self-exaltation would be left without any check; and to give free license to principles, so strong and universal, would be fraught with imminent danger. No man is entirely free from their influence; and small would be the number, who could preserve a strict integrity in such circumstances. While public men are subjected to the closest observation of the whole people; while every eye is fixed upon them, and every voice ready to be raised at their slightest deviation from duty, at their smallest assumption of power, they are much less apt to take such a step. By doing thus, they would be sure to defeat their own purposes, and destroy all their political expectations.

But in this country we have little reason to apprehend a lack of public watchfulness. No man can be brought before the people as a candidate for any office, without undergoing the most searching scrutiny, both in regard to his public and his private character. No man can hold any office of trust, without having every action bruited about the country, and held up in every light in which political friendship on the one hand, and political enmity on the other, is able to place it. The public, with its hundred eyes all turned upon him, will observe every transaction; and no political Hermes can hope, with any charm, to lull its sleepless vigilance. The press, with its hundred tongues, will trumpet every deed through the whole land. Where a people is divided into parties, and arrayed under different political banners, there is not the slightest cause to fear a want of adequate caution and jealousy. The party which holds the supremacy will never be able to make any encroachment, or aggrandize itself in the least, through insufficient watchfulness and suspicion in the party which it has defeated. That party will hold it as its bounden duty to look with constant distrust on the movements of its more fortunate rival; and if the least violence should be offered to any of our political rights; if the least attempt be made to grasp any power; ay, if only a suspicion of such a thing be once raised; the alarm would be sounded, and echoed by one after another, till it had reached the farthest corner of the nation. We say, then, there will always be sufficient watchfulness. There is no danger of our falling into a stupid indifference. Rather have we cause to fear we shall be rent by the undue violence of party jealousy. Our whole existence as a nation shows this. A proper caution, a moderate distrust, a fearless censure when deserved, is necessary under such a government. For thus only can we preserve the body politic in a healthful state. But the violence of party, which shows itself in unmerited and indiscriminate censure and reproach; which assails the noblest character with its harpy talons, and befouls and lacerates all it touches; which breathes the breath of calumny on the purest motives, and sullies the brightest patriotism; which, not content with blackening the public character of a man, enters within the sacred precincts of private life, and pretends to discover vices and failings, which exist only in the dark imagination of some hireling pander to party passion-this state of things, we say, is of all the least desirable. Better, ay, thrice better suffer a little for too much confidence in men, than let our baser passions run riot in such a manner! They will surely gain a fearful

ascendency over all our generous and nobler principles, if left thus unrestrained.

A wide distinction is made by most persons, between slandering public and private men. It seems to be considered a matter of course, that a public man must be vilified and calumniated, whether he deserves it or not; and such a state of feeling lessens the crime in the eyes of the community. Nay, we think it is hardly ever considered a crime to cast censure and reproach on the character of a public man. It is always expected from his political antagonists. Hundreds of sheets, daily and weekly issued, are teeming with their falsehood and scurrility. The press is very cautious, as a general thing, in regard to originating calumnies against a private citizen. It is quite careful, too, not to repeat charges and accusations when made by others, unless it has ample proof that they are true. The terrors of the law, are sufficient to check any propensity to do this. Private slander walks in secret, and does its dark work with hints and whispers ; public slander stalks forth under the broad eye of day, and proclaims its falsehoods with the voice of a trumpet. This state of things is sanctioned by that maxim, too often made a rule of action, "All is fair in politics." The political press seems generally to have adopted it. Every organ of a party, and every petty journal, is ready to propagate anything to throw discredit on its rival. The grossest falsehoods and the foulest charges are freely used, and met on the other hand by equal abuse and recrimination. Let a man possess motives as pure as the sunlight; let him be as upright and stanch a patriot as ever breathed the air of heaven; and if he receives the nomination of one party for an exalted office, he is immediately assailed by every fuming speech-maker, and every venal scribbler, in the ranks of the other. Were one to judge of any man who has been supported by either party in several of our presidential elections, without any other means of information than the columns of opposing journals, he might well think him one, who would leave

"A villain's name to other times,

Linked with no virtue, but a thousand crimes."

Nor is the press alone at fault in this matter. It is unjust to blame it, for all this virulence and abuse. The people are more willing to believe charges against a public man, than against any other individual. Every imputation on his character is "proof conclusive" of his guilt, with those of a different political creed. They turn a deaf ear to every thing which may be urged in his extenuation. They behold all his actions through a distorting medium. Political prejudices are stronger than any other. The passions are more easily roused, and when roused, are more ungovernable. Men who can preserve their coolness and candor on any other subject, are often hasty and blinded by prejudice in their politics.

It is one of the worst evils of this state of things, that political service is brought into disrepute among upright and honorable men. To be a politician in the eyes of many, is to be a demagogue-a crafty

There are so

and unprincipled aspirant to office and distinction. many of the latter character, who are ever clamorous for some reward for merits which few but themselves can discern, that the reproach which deservedly falls on them, is extended to the whole class. If one enters the political arena-if he mingles in the strife with those of a base and despicable character-he is soon confused with the rest; and amidst the cloud of dust which the violence of the contest has raised, they all appear alike to the multitude. Again, so many dishonest and intriguing men are chosen to office, in the heat and frenzy of popular excitement, that there is too much reason for the odium which attaches to political life. But this very thing is, in great measure, the result of the licentious and unsparing calumny bestowed on public men. Those of a reckless and profligate nature, care little for what is said of them, provided they accomplish their purposes. They are destitute of all virtuous sensibility; and it is vain to think of making any impression on them, with the ordinary weapons of abuse. They are willing to abide the pelting of the pitiless storm; for it hurts not their feelings, it does them no injury. They are steeled to all the influences which affect the ingenuous and sensitive man. The latter will shrink from a life, which exposes him to such opprobrium. He will choose some more quiet calling. He will renounce political life, and devote himself to some one of the professions, or seek the still more calm and pleasing walks of science and literature. Hence, we often hear it said, that comparatively few of the best men are now elevated to the high places of our government. The profession of law is considered a steppingstone to political honor and preferment. But so far as we are acquainted, the most honest and upright men in that profession are the least engaged in political life. In the great body of politicians, there are some noble and high-minded men, who scorn personal considerations, in comparison with the duty they owe their country; but the number is too small even to operate as the "little leaven," which "leaveneth the whole lump." We think that more than one body of the same number as our Congress, might be selected from those in professional life, and those engaged in literary and scientific pursuits, who would combine more honesty and patriotism, as well as talent, than half-a-dozen such Congresses as we often have. Such a state of things in public life is verily an unhappy one. Our institutions were founded, and our constitution framed, by the best men of the age. Would we preserve our government in its original purity; would we maintain our constitution unshaken and our rights unimpaired, we should give to our best men the direction of public affairs. Any state of things which deters the best men from undertaking such duties, is much to deprecated.

Political life has little of the sincerity and friendship, which cheers and gratifies the private citizen. All the kindly feeling, all the unfeigned sympathy, all the generous esteem, and all the sincere charity, which was cherished and exercised towards the statesman in his private life, is banished from the walks he has now entered. The political friends of a distinguished statesman are generally but cringing flatterers, who surround him and fill his ear with their empty adula

tions, in the hope of gaining some portion of the emolument and distinction, which he is able to bestow

"Who crook the pregnant hinges of the knee,

Where thrift may follow fawning."

While he is borne on the calm waters of popular favor, while the breeze is prosperous and fortune sits smiling at the helm, they throng into his wake, and the constant cry of each is,

"Say, shall my little bark attendant sail,

Pursue the triumph, and partake the gale?"

But when adversity comes, and he has ceased to be the favored one, they abandon him at once. It is a heartless and a hollow thing-this friendship in politics. Political enmity, on the other hand, is the most bitter and unrelenting. Whatever severity has been indulged in by an opponent, in a war of words, is not easily forgiven. Nowhere is sarcasm more powerful, and more injurious in its effects. It is seldom combined with that pleasantry and good nature, which makes it heal while it wounds. It continues to rankle and exasperate. Its essence is bitterness and malignity. We believe that more duels and affrays which have occurred in our land, have sprung from political differences, than from any other cause; ay, we might rather say, than from all other causes together.

Is it said that a truly great man ought to be above the reach of such an influence, and pay no regard to the low and 'paltry accusations of the party press? It is much easier to say this, than to endure the trial. Greatness of intellect does not divest a man of the ordinary feelings of his race. He is "of like passions" with the rest of his kind. Nay, he has often much more regard for his reputation, than those of a less noble stamp. His most valued jewel is his own good name. Whatever injures that, wounds him the most deeply. Fine feelings and a keen sensibility are often united with greatness of mind. An individual of this character could undergo no worse ordeal, than to be supported for office, through a single political canvass. By the aspersions of a party press, he is at once changed from the respected citizen and the genuine patriot, into the veriest villain and demagogue in the land. The transformation has been as sudden, as if he had been touched by the magic wand of Comus. Though he may be able to bear up under all this load of abuse; though he may despise the base and skulking wretches who pen the slanders, who are protected from notice by their own insignificance, or by withholding their real names, it is still a hard, a vexatious, a disagreeable situation. Though he may not be overpowered by their united attacks; though he may not suffer a political death from all their "paper bullets of the brain" it is still enough to keep him in constant disquiet and irritation. Like the traveler of Swift, when attacked by the pigmy inhabitants of the island on which he had been cast, he is vexed and annoyed by the cloud of little Lilliputian arrows, which a host of puny scribblers are

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