HISTORY OF ROME.

BOOK XXXI.

CHAP. 1. I FEEL a degree of pleasure in having come to the end of the Punic war, as if myself had borne a share of the toil and danger: for though it ill becomes a person, who has ventured to promise an entire history of all the Roman affairs, to be fatigued by any particular parts of so extensive a work: yet when I reflect that sixty-three years, (for so many there are from the first Punic war to the end of the second,) have filled up as many volumes for me, as the four hundred and eighty-seven years, from the building of the city to the consulate of Appius Claudius, who first made war on the Carthaginians, I plainly perceive that, like those who are tempted by the shallows near the shore to walk into the sea, the farther I advance, I am carried into the greater depth and abyss, as it were; and that my work rather increases on my hands than diminishes, as I expected it would, by the first parts being completed. The peace with Carthage was quickly followed by a war with Macedonia: a war, not to be compared with the former, indeed, either in danger, or in the abilities of the commanders, or the valour of the soldiers; but rather more remarkable with regard to the renown of their former kings, the ancient fame of that nation, and the vast extent of their empire, which formerly comprehended a large part of Europe, and the greater part of Asia. The contest with Philip, which had begun about ten years before, had been intermitted for the three last years, the Etolians having been the occasion both of the commencement and of the cessation of hostilities. The Romans being now disengaged from all employment, and being incensed against Philip, on account both of his infringing the peace with regard to the Etolians, and the other allies in those parts, and also on account of his having lately sent aid of men and money into Africa to Hannibal and the Carthaginians, were excited to a renewal of the war by the entreaties of the Athenians, whose country he had ravaged, and shut up the inhabitants within the walls of the city.

2. About the same time ambassadors arrived both from King Attalus, and from the Rhodians, with information that the Macedonian was tampering with the states of Asia. To these embassies an answer was given, that the senate would give attention to the affairs of Asia. The determination with regard to the making war on him was left open to the consuls, who were then in their provinces. In the mean time, three ambassadors were sent to Ptolemy, king of Egypt, namely, Caius Claudius Nero, Marcus Emilius Lepidus, and Publius Sempronius Tuditanus, to announce their conquest of Hannibal and the Carthaginians; to give thanks to the king for his faithful adherence to his engagements in the time of their distress, when even the nearest allies of the Romans abandoned them; and to request that, if they should be compelled by ill treatment to break with Philip, he would preserve the same disposition towards the Roman people. In Gaul, about this time, the consul, Publius Ælius, having heard that, before his arrival, the Boians had made inroads on the territories of the allies, levied two occasional legions on account of this disturbance; and adding to them four cohorts from his own army, ordered Caius Oppius, the prefect, to march with this tumultuary band through Umbria, (which is called the Sappinian district,) and to invade the territories of the Boians; leading his own troops thither openly, over the mountains which lay in the way. Oppius, on entering the same, for some time committed depredations with good success and safety. But afterward, having pitched on a place near a fort called Mutilum, convenient enough for cutting down the corn which was now ripe, and setting out, without having acquired a knowledge of the country, and without establishing armed posts of sufficient strength to protect those who were unarmed and intent on their work, he was suddenly surrounded, together with his foragers, and attacked by the Gauls. On this, even those who were furnished with weapons, struck with dismay, betook themselves to flight. Seven thousand men, dispersed through the corn fields, were put to the sword, among whom was the commander himself, Caius Oppius. The rest were driven in confusion into the camp; from whence, in consequence of a resolution there formed, they set out on the following night, without any particular commander; and, leaving behind a great part of their baggage, made their way through woods almost impassable to the consul, who returned to Rome without having performed any thing in his province worth notice, except that he ravaged the lands of the Boians, and made a treaty with the Ingaunian Ligurians.

3. The first time he assembled the senate, it was unani

mously ordered that he should propose no other business before that which related to Philip, and the complaints of the allies; it was of course immediately taken into consideration, and in full meeting decreed that Publius Ælius, consul, should send such person as he might think proper, vested with command to receive the fleet which Cneius Octavius was bringing home from Sicily, and pass over to Macedonia. Accordingly, Marcus Valerius Lævinus, propretor, was sent; and, receiving thirty-eight ships from Cneius Octavius, near Vibo, he sailed to Macedonia, where, being met by Marcus Aurelius, the ambassador, and informed what numerous forces and what large fleets the king had prepared, and how busily he was employed in prevailing on divers states to join him, applying to some in person, to others by agents, not only through all the cities of the continent, but even in the islands. Lævinus was convinced from this that the war required vigorous exertions on the side of the Romans; for, should they be dilatory, Philip might be encouraged to attempt an enterprise like to that which had been formerly undertaken by Pyrrhus, who possessed not such large dominions. He therefore desired Aurelius to convey this intelligence, by letter, to the consuls and to the senate.

4. Towards the end of this year the senate, taking into consideration the lands to be given to the veteran soldiers, who under the conduct and auspices of Publius Scipio had finished the war in Africa, decreed that Marcus Tunius, pretor of the city, should, if he thought proper, appoint ten commissioners to survey and distribute among them that part of the Samnite and Apulian lands which was the property of the Roman people. For this purpose were appointed, Publius Servilius, Quintus Cæcilius Metellus, Caius and Marcus Servilius, both surnamed Geminus, Lucius and Aulus Hostilius Cato, Publius Villius Tappulus, Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, Publius Ælius Pætus, and Quintus Flaminius. At the same time Publius Elius presiding at the election of consuls, Publius Sulpicius Galba and Caius Aurelius Cotta were elected. Then were chosen pretors, Quintus Minucius Rufus, Lucius Furius Purpureo, Quintus Fulvius Gillo, Cneius Sergius Plancus. The Roman stage-games were exhibited, in a sumptuous and elegant manner, by the curule ediles, Lucius Valerius Flaccus and Lucius Quintius Flaminius, and repeated for two days; and a vast quantity of corn, which Scipio had sent from Africa, was distributed by them to the people, with strict impartiality and general satisfaction, at the rate of four asses a peck. The plebeian games were thrice repeated entire by the plebeian ediles, Lucius Apustius Fullo and Quintus

Minucius Rufus; the latter of whom was, from the edileship, elected pretor. There was also a feast of Jove on occasion of the games.

5. In the year five hundred and fifty-two from the building of the city, [A. U. C. 552. B. C. 200,] Publius Sulpicius Galba and Caius Aurelius being consuls, within a few months after the conclusion of the peace with the Carthaginians, war began against King Philip. This was the first business introduced by the consul, Publius Sulpicius, on the ides of March, the day on which, in those times, the con suls entered into office; and the senate decreed that the consuls should perform sacrifices with the greater victims to such gods as they should judge proper, with prayers to this purpose:-that "the business which the senate and people of Rome had then under deliberation, concerning the state, and the entering on a new war, might be attended with suc cess and prosperity to the Roman people, the allies, and the Latine confederacy;" and that, after the sacrifices and prayers, they should consult the senate on the state of public affairs and the provinces. At this time, very opportunely for promoting a war, the letters were brought from Marcus Aurelius, the ambassador, and Marcus Valerius Lævinus, propretor. An embassy likewise arrived from the Atheni ans, to acquaint them that the king was approaching their frontiers, and that in a short time not only their lands, but their city also, must fall into his hands, unless they received aid from the Romans. When the consuls had made their report that the sacrifices had been duly performed, and that the gods had accepted their prayers; that the aruspices had declared that the entrails showed good omens, and that enlargement of territory, victory, and triumph, were portended, the letters of Valerius and Aurelius were read, and audience given to the ambassadors of the Athenians. After which a decree of the senate was passed, that thanks should be given to their allies, because, though long solicited, they had not been prevailed on, even by dread of a siege, to depart from their engagements. With regard to sending assistance to them, they resolved that an answer should be given as soon as the consuls should have cast lots for the provinces, and when the consul to whose lot Macedonia fell should have proposed to the people to declare war against Philip, king of the Macedonians.

6. The province of Macedonia fell by lot to Publius Sulpicius; and he proposed to the people to declare, "that they chose and ordered, that on account of the injuries and hostilities committed against the allies of the Roman people, war should be proclaimed against King Philip and the Macedonians under his government." The province of Italy

fell to the lot of the other consul, Aurelius. The pretors then cast lots: to Cneius Sergius Plancus fell the city jurisdiction; to Quintus Fulvius Gillo, Sicily; to Quintus Minucius Rufus, Bruttium; and to Lucius Furius Purpureo, Gaul. At the first meeting of the people, the proposal concerning the Macedonian war was rejected by almost all the tribes. This was occasioned partly by the people's own inclinations, who, wearied by the length and severity of the late war, longed to be freed from toils and dangers; and partly by Quintus Bæbius, tribune of the people, who, pursuing the old practice of criminating the patricians, charged them with multiplying wars one after another, so that the people could never enjoy peace. This proceeding gave great offence to the patricians, and the tribune was severely reprehended in the senate, where all earnestly recommended it to the consul to call a new assembly for passing the proposal; to rebuke the backwardness of the people; and to prove to them how highly detrimental and dishonourable it would be to decline engaging in that war.

7. The consul having assembled the people in the field of Mars, before he called on the centuries to give their votes, required their attention, and addressed them thus-" Citizens, you seem to me not to understand that the question before you is not whether you choose to have peace or war; for Philip, having already commenced hostilities with à formidable force, both on land and sea, allows you not that option. The question is, whether you choose to transport your legions to Macedonia, or to suffer the enemy to come into Italy? How important the difference is between these two cases, if you knew it not before, you have sufficiently learned in the late Punic war: for who entertains a doubt, but if, when the Saguntines were besieged, and implored our protection, we had assisted them with vigour, as our fathers did the Mamertines, we should have averted the whole weight of the war on Spain; which, by our dilatory proceedings, we suffered to our extreme loss to fall on Italy? Nor does it admit a doubt, that what confined this same Philip in Macedonia, (after he had entered into an engagement with Hannibal, by ambassadors and letters, to cross over into Italy,) was, our sending Lævinus with a fleet to carry the war home to him. And what we did at that time, when we had Hannibal to contend with in Italy, do we hesitate to do now, after Hannibal has been expelled Italy, and the Carthaginians subdued? Suppose for an instant that we allow the king to experience the same inactivity on our part, while he is taking Athens, as Hannibal found while he was taking Saguntum: it will not be in the fifth month, as the Carthaginian came from Saguntum, but on the fifth day after

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