convoking and presiding over local synods, and serving the Papacy as eyes and hands. But Gregory raised the rank and office of the legates, who became thenceforth essential organs of the papal government, like the missi dominici of Charles the Great, penetrating everywhere, superintending everything, deposing bishops, reforming discipline, imposing their will upon princes, and representing with full powers the papal authority. Whatever their personal rank in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, even though they were simple monks, by virtue of their apostolic representation they had precedence over the bishops, who were compelled to swear to honor and aid them; and dereliction in this regard was punished with the apostolic anathema. While claiming these high privileges for the papal representatives, Gregory made no endeavor to suppress the synods and councils of the Church; which, on the contrary, he used as instruments to enforce his will against the refractory bishops. As money was necessary for the purpose of his government, he gave close attention to the finances of the Papacy, assuming a superior sovereignty over all Christian lands, whose princes were required to enforce contributions to the papal treasury. Nor was the legislation of the Church neglected, for it was under Gregory's orders that Anselm of Lucca made his compilation of the Canon Law, whose substance was so arranged as to emphasize the absolute power of the Papacy. Thus, without creating new institutions, Gregory absorbed all the controlling agencies of his time in his universal monarchy. 1 CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 The penitence and humiliation of Henry at Canossa were Civil war in far from ending the great struggle in which Christendom had Germany been plunged. While it exposed the pitiable weakness of the German king, whose enemies had gained a dramatic triumph, and whose Lombard partisans were filled with disgust, the arrogance of the Pope awakened an undertone of resentment in the bosom of Henry's German supporters at the indignities heaped upon their king, and a more widespread distrust of the stern despotism of Gregory. CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 Embarrassment of Gregory The German nobles held their diet at Forchheim in March, 1077, and, without the presence of either Henry, who appears to have been indisposed to meet the charges against him, or the Pope, who had been refused by Henry the safe conduct he had requested, it was determined to elect a new king. Duke Rudolf of Suabia was then chosen King of Germany, on condition that he renounce all hereditary claims to the throne and promise freedom in the election of bishops. Henry, deeply resenting the action taken at Forchheim, hastened to Germany, which was at once plunged into civil war. The nobles and the Pope made repeated efforts to secure an armistice and to settle the question of the throne in a peaceable manner, but all endeavors proved ineffectual. In announcing the new sentence of excommunication hurled at Henry, Gregory wrote to the prelates: "So act that the world shall know that ye who have power to bind and loose in heaven, can grant or withhold kingdoms, principalities, and other possessions, according to each man's merits." Henry, on his part, was resolved to assert the power of the King over the Church, and demanded that the ban be placed upon Rudolf. The Pope was now suddenly thrown into a state of indecision and alarm; for Henry not only cut off his passage to Germany, but prevented his return to Rome. Fearing to declare himself further against Henry, he hesitated to support the rebellion against him by confirming the election of Rudolf. Wavering for a moment as to which course he should pursue, he ordered his legates to sustain the rights of the prince who was ready to submit himself most completely to the Holy See. The most important effect of Gregory's indecision was the loss of influence in Germany, for the ambiguity of his attitude left his followers there in doubt of their cause. They accused the Pope of being responsible for their action in choosing Rudolf, reminding him that it was by his counsel and for his sake that they had taken this bold step. The peril in which they were placed was, indeed, extreme, since in the event of his final recognition by the Pope, for which the way had been opened, Henry would not fail to punish as rebels the followers of Rudolf. Complaining that the Pope was at the same time exhorting them to firmness in their opposition to Henry and endeavoring to obtain his obedience. as the price of the papal favor, they expressed their inability to fathom a policy too refined for their minds to penetrate. So long as the Pope kept the rights of the two kings in suspense in order to secure the supremacy of the Holy See, Germany, they contended, would continue to suffer the horrors of the civil strife which Gregory had thus occasioned. When, therefore, in March, 1080, Henry's envoys were finally dismissed and Rudolf was confirmed as king, Gregory's cause had seriously suffered from his indecision.1 1 The terms of the letter of the Saxons of April, 1078, to Gregory VII are too piquant to be overlooked: "You know, and your letters are witnesses to it, that it is neither by our counsel nor for our interest, but for the injuries done to the Holy See that you have deposed our King, and you have forbidden us under the most terrible threats to recognize him as such. We have obeyed you at great peril, and this prince has exercised such cruelty that many, besides their worldly goods, have lost their lives and left their children in great poverty. The fruit of it that we have received is, that he who has been constrained to throw himself at your feet has been absolved without our advice, and has received liberty to annoy us. In the letter of absolution we have seen nothing which revokes the sentence depriving him of the kingdom, and we do not yet see that it can be revoked. After being more than a year without a king we have elected another, and when he began to revive our hopes we have been surprised to see in your letters that you name two kings, and send your legates to both. The division of the kingdom which you have made has also divided opinions, for it has been seen in your letters that the name of the prevaricator is always first, and that you ask safe conducts from him, as if he still remained in power. That which still troubles us is, that while you exhort us to remain firm in our enterprise, you also give hope to the opposing party; for the confidants of King Henry, although excommunicated with him, are favorably received when they come to Rome; and we are considered ridiculous when we wish to avoid those with whom you communicate. On the contrary, their faults are imputed to us, and we are regarded as negligent in not send CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 Henry's campaign against the Pope in Italy In April, 1080, the bishops adhering to Henry's cause assembled at Bamberg and declared that they would no longer recognize Gregory. In the following May, a diet of princes assembled at Mainz made a similar declaration, and resolved upon the election of a new pope. In the meantime, the Countess Matilda had presented all her estates in Italy and in Lotharingia to the Pope, without reference to their feudal relation to the Empire, and the political character of the conflict was thereby strongly emphasized. The papal monarchy was assuming a more tangible form, and the Pope was claiming rights which had hitherto belonged only to the Emperor. Italy, as well as Germany, was now divided between the Pope and Henry, and the agents of the King lost no time in fomenting further opposition to the papal pretensions in Lombardy and Tuscany. At Brixen, a synod of German and Italian bishops assembled in June, deposed Gregory, and chose Wibert, Bishop of Ravenna, as pope, under the name of Clement III.1 us. ing oftener to Rome, although they, in violation of their oaths, prevent We believe that your intention is good, and that you act with subtle insight; but as we are too inept to penetrate your policy, we content ourselves with laying before you the sensible effects of this double procedure, namely, civil war, innumerable homicides, robberies, arson, the dissipation of ecclesiastical goods, and of the domain of the kings, in such fashion that in future they can live only by rapine; finally, the abolition of all laws, divine and human. These evils would not be, or would be lessened, if you were turned neither to the right nor to the left from your resolution. Your zeal has drawn you into a thorny path, where it is difficult to advance and shameful to recede. If you do not believe it prudent to resist in face of the enemies of the Church, at least do not destroy that which you have already done; for, if that which has been defined in a council at Rome and confirmed by a legate must count for nothing, we no longer know what to hold authentic." On the criticism of Martens upon the Saxon Letters of Bruno, see Richter, Annalen, II, erste Hälfte, p. 276. 1 For the "Decision of Brixen," see Henderson, Select Documents, pp. 391, 394. Defeated in battle by Rudolf, in January, 1080, the ruin of Henry had seemed to be complete, but the tide had now turned in his favor. In Germany, a strong revulsion from Gregory had occurred; for he had not only inflicted upon the country the scourge of civil war, he was now claiming as his own fiefs of the Empire. The Lombards still cherished their old antagonism, and remembered with a sense of indignation the rigor with which they had been treated by the Pope. Even in Tuscany, opposition had arisen to the transfer of its territory to the absolute power of Rome. The death of Rudolf, in October, 1080, left Henry free to march into Italy, to install the newly chosen antipope, and to demand of him the imperial crown. Gregory, in expectation of the coming storm, made haste to set his house in order. Left without defence, except from the forces of the Countess Matilda, he promptly sought to make peace with Robert Guiscard and form an alliance with him. The ban which had been pronounced against the Norman duke was now revoked, and Robert responded by taking an oath of allegiance to the Pope, promising to protect the papal possessions and support the canonical election of the Roman pontiffs. In April, 1081, at the head of a German army, Henry appeared in Italy, to establish Clement III in Gregory's place. Entering the papal territory without opposition, he sent a manifesto to the Romans, declaring that he had not come with hostile intentions, and camped under the walls of Rome. The Romans, for the time, held loyally to Gregory; and it was only after the third attack that, in June, 1083, Henry at last succeeded in entering the city. In the last days of the blockade, the distress of the Romans had become so great that Gregory could only preserve the city from capitulation by distributing the gold sent to him by Robert Guiscard. Henry having taken possession of the Leonine quarter, Gregory sought refuge in the Castle of St. Angelo, while the chief Romans, including most of the old aristocratic families, held possession of other strongholds in the city. CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 |