ination of its merits and a reasonable compromise. Weary of the long and unfruitful struggle, Henry V was not indisposed to negotiate. Choosing as his representatives a famous scholar, William of Champeaux, and the Abbot of Cluny, who met the Emperor at Strasburg, Calixtus endeavored to convince him that the prerogatives for which he had so bitterly contended were really of no value to him, since other sovereigns were able to govern their realms without investing the clergy with their spiritual powers, which were properly conferred by the Church. Admitting, on the other hand, that, as feudatories of the Empire, the bishops should acknowledge and perform their feudal duties in like manner with the other nobles, it was proposed that a convention be signed by the Pope and the Emperor terminating the controversy on this basis. The conciliatory spirit in which the negotiations with the Emperor had been conducted promised a speedy settlement, and Calixtus, who had called a council at Reims, in October, 1119, expected to meet the Emperor in the castle of the Archbishop and conclude the longed for peace; but petty disagreements over the details of the meeting prevented the interview, and Calixtus, filled with chagrin and greatly discouraged, returned to the council, which solemnly excommunicated the Emperor and his antipope, whom he had set up under the name of Gregory VIII. CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 tual renais sance For a time, all seemed lost; but a new and potent influence The intellechad entered into action, men had begun to think. The great conflict between the Empire and the Papacy, so profoundly touching the lives and interests of nearly all Europe, had stirred the mind to new activity. The schools, the monasteries, the cities, all the centres where thought is excited by great events, began to cast their influence into the quarrel, which had hitherto been chiefly one of brute force on the one side and the fulmination of anathemas on the other. It was the beginning of that twelfth-century renaissance which was to bring the great universities into being and apply the intelligence that scholasticism was training by the subtilties CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 The Concor of its disputes to the more real and fruitful questions of human life. In no respect was this new tendency so marked as in the study of the law. The conflict between the Empire and the Papacy involved the collision of the two great legal systems which pertained to them, the Civil Law of Rome, which furnished the legal weapons for defending the imperial power; and the Canon Law, which had grown up in the practice of the ecclesiastical courts and supplied a vast armory for the defence of the rights exercised by the clergy. Schools of law had long existed at Pavia, Ravenna, and probably at Rome, but the foundation of the school at Bologna, early in the twelfth century, marks a new period in the development of juristic study. Its celebrated master, Irnerius, was successively engaged on both sides of the investiture controversy, and the interest awakened in the legal questions now thrust upon the attention of thoughtful men drew multitudes of students from every part of Europe to hear the famous teachers of Bologna. At the same time, the canonists were busy with their task of strengthening the legal foundation of the papal monarchy, as shown in the works of Ivo of Chartres and Gratian of Bologna. Under the combined pressure of the conciliatory endeavors dat of Worms of Calixtus, the hostility of the Church, and the growing sentiment that reason rather than force was the proper court of appeal in the settlement of the dispute, Henry at last yielded to the proposition to refer the question to a German council under the presidency of the Pope. Accordingly, on September 8, 1122, a council met at Worms. The Pope sent to represent him Lambert, Bishop of Ostia, who had studied in both of the rival schools at Bologna, and had fully acquainted himself with the arguments used by the Civilians and the Canonists in defending their respective views. It was a happy selection, for his learning enabled him to conciliate both sides; and, although the Emperor was obstinate, he was at last compelled to yield to the force of reason and argument. On September 23, only two CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 weeks after the council had met, the Concordat of Worms was formally ratified, and the fierce strife which had embittered half a century was ended by a few simple sentences.1 Although the Concordat conceded to the Emperor prac- The triumph of the Papacy tically everything of value he had contended for, it impressed Europe as a glorious triumph for the Papacy, which had succeeded in conserving the spiritual rights of the Church against the power of the Emperor. Henceforth, the ideals and policy of Hildebrand were to be the accepted standards of the papal monarchy. At Henry's death, in 1125, it was evident that the Empire had sustained immense losses in the struggle. The feudal barons had attained a degree of independence which left the imperial authority greatly reduced; German influence over the kingdoms which were consolidating in the East - Poland, Bohemia, and Hungary — was much impaired; while in Italy the firm establishment of the Normans and the development of the municipalities of the North rendered imperial control more difficult than before. The renewed bequest of all her vast possessions to the Papacy by the Countess Matilda, upon her death in 1115, if it had been carried into effect, would have elevated the Holy See to the place of the most powerful temporal ruler in Italy; but Henry had hastened over the Alps to prevent this result by laying claim to the fiefs of the Empire which she had held. The questions raised involved legal principles that engaged the jurists of the time in warm disputes; while the Emperor, only by according to the cities concessions and privileges which the Countess had refused to grant, was able to retain them for a time as fiefs of the Empire. Thus was opened between the Empire and the Papacy a great debatable land whose jurists and diplomatists, by appealing from one to the other, were able to establish the local liberties of the cities against the exactions of both, and to create a new 1 For the articles composing the "Concordat of Worms," see Henderson, Select Documents, pp. 408, 409. i C CHAP. V A. D. 1002-1125 era in the conflict between them, in which diplomacy was to acquire a greater importance and assume a more definite organization. Documents Literature AUTHORITIES To the collections of documents already mentioned, may be added for the present chapter, Watterich, Pontificum Romanorum qui fuerunt inde ab exeunte saeculo IX usque ad finem saeculi XIII vitae, etc., Leipzig, 1862; Will, Acta et Scripta quae de controversiis Ecclesiae Graecae et Latinae saeculo undecimo composita extant, Leipzig, 1861; Bruel, Recueil des Chartes de l'Abbaye de Cluny, Paris, 1876; Sackur, Die Cluniacenses in ihrer kirchlichen und allgemeinen Wirksamheit, Halle, 1892; Steindorff, Jahrbücher des deutschen Reiches unter Heinrich III, Leipzig, 1881; Sauer, De Statuto de Electione Papae, Bonn, 1867; Mansi, Conciliorum Collectio, Florence, 1757. The correspondence of Gregory VII has been published by Jaffé, Bibliotheca Rerum Germanicarum, Monumenta Gregoriana, Berlin, 1865. Döberl, Monumenta Germaniae Selecta, Munich, 1889, and Henderson, Select Documents, are particularly useful for this period. On the accession of the Kingdom of Burgundy to the Empire, see Weingartner, Vereinigung Burgunds mit dem deutschen Reiche unter Konrad II, Budweis, 1880. On the general history of the "Truce of God," see Kluckhohn Geschichte des Gottesfriedens, Leipzig, 1857; and Semichon, La paix et la trêve de Dieu, Paris, 1857. For the mission of Cardinal Humbert, see Halfmann, Kardinal Humbert, Göttingen, 1883. The diplomatic usages of Byzantium are found in the work of Constantine Porphyrogenetus, De Cerimoniis, Bonn, 1830; which is analyzed by Rambaud, L'empire grec au Xe siècle, Constantin Porphyrogénète, Paris, 1870. The Countess Matilda and her relations to Gregory VII are treated by Tosti, La contessa Matilde ed i romani pontefici, Florence, 1859; and Overmann, Gräfin Mathilde von Tuscien, Innsbruck, 1895. The doubt raised concerning Hildebrand by W. Martens in his War Gregor VII Mönch? Danzig, 1891, is considered by SchefferBoichorst in the Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, Bd. XI, 1894, pp. 227, 241. See also W. Martens, Gregor VII, Freiburg, 1894. On the election and policy of Gregory VII, Mirbt, Die Wahl Gregors VII, Marburg, 1891; Mädge, Die Politik Gregors VII gegenüber den Gegenkönigen, Tübingen, 1879; Sander, Der Kampf Heinrichs IV und Gregors VII, Strasburg, 1893. CHAP. V A. D. On the visit of Henry IV to Canossa, see Meyer von Knonau, Heinrichs IV Bussübung zu Canossa, in the Deutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft, Bd. XI, 1894, pp. 359, 363; and Sachse, 1002-1125 Canossa, Leipzig, 1896. On the question of the papal elections and the origin of the College of Cardinals, see Zöpffel, Die Papstwahl vom 11 bis 14 Jahrhundert, Göttingen, 1871; Lorenz, Papstwahl und Kaiserthum, Berlin, 1874; Scheffer-Boichorst, Die Neuordnung der Papstwahl durch Nikolaus II, Strasburg, 1879; W. Martens, Die Besetzung des päpstlichen Stuhles unter Heinrich III und Heinrich IV, Freiburg, 1887; Berthelet, La elezione del Papa: Storia e documenti, Rome, 1891. On the significance of the papal coronation of the emperors, see Waitz, Formeln der deutschen Krönung, Berlin, 1873; Deussen, Die päpstliche Approbation der deutschen Königswahlen, Münster, 1879; Schneider, Der Vertrag von Santa Maria in Turri, Rostock, 1881; Schwarzer, Die Ordines der Kaiserkrönung, in the Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte, Bd. XXII, p. 201. Pope Calixtus II and the Concordat of Worms are treated in Robert, Histoire du Pape Calixte II, Paris, 1891; Maurer, Papst Kalixt II, Munich, 1889; Witte, Forschungen zur Geschichte des Wormser Konkordats, Göttingen, 1877; Willig, Das Wormser Konkordat, Liegnitz, 1896. |