ed for immediate consideration. An act incorporating the Episcopal church, has passed in a form less offensive than the one proposed at the last session. The bill for payment of British debts was under debate yesterday; its passage seems probable, but there is no reason to fear that attempts will yet be made to trammel it. It still takes seven years for payment, though the Glasgow merchants have signified their assent to four years. The merchants of this town and Petersburgh have remonstrated against the idea of giving the British merchants a summary recovery, at the periods of the instalments. The bill for opening the Potomac, is suspended on the result of a conference. General Washington, General Gates, and Colonel Blackburn, are commissioned to hold conferences with Maryland on the subject. A bill for opening James River, on a different plan, has passed the house of delegates. A bill will also probably pass for surveying the waters of those two rivers to their sources, the country between them, and the western waters, and the latter down to the Ohio. It will also probably provide for a survey of the different routes for a communication between the waters of Elizabeth River and those of North Carolina. In the course of the last week, a proposition was made to empower Congress to collect the imposts within this state, as soon as twelve states should unite in the scheme. The arguments which prevailed against it, were the unfavourable aspect it would present to foreigners; the tendency of the example to inferior combinations; the field it would open to contraband trade; its probable effect on the temper of Rhode Island, which might thwart other necessary measures which require the unanimity of the states; the improbability of the union of twelve states on this new ground, a failure of which would increase the appearance of discord in their policy, and give fresh triumph and invitation to Rhode Island. I have not yet found leisure to scan the project of a continental convention with so close an eye, as to have made up any observations worthy of being mentioned to you. In general, I hold it for a maxim, that the union of the states is essential for their safety against foreign danger and internal contention; and that the perpetuity and efficacy of the present system cannot be confided in. The question therefore is, in what mode and at what moment the experiment for supplying the defects ought to be made. The answer to this question cannot be made without a knowledge greater than I possess, of the temper and views of the different states. Virginia seems, I think, to have excellent dispositions towards the confederacy; but her assent or dissent to such a proposition would pro bably depend much on the charge of having no opponent capable of rousing the prejudices and jealousies of the Assembly against innovations, particularly such as will derogate from their own power and importance. Should a view of the other states present no objections against the experiment, individually I would wish none to be presupposed here. With great esteem and regard, I am, dear Sir, Your obedient and humble servant, JAMES MADISON, Jun. DEAR SIR-I am particularly happy to hear by your brother, that you have almost recovered from the indisposition, with which you have been lately afflicted: an event I must consider fortunate to the state and your family, for I flatter myself, when perfectly restored, you will not withdraw yourself from the public service. It must be hoped that those measures, which have hitherto, will not always, prevail; as to establish in our public councils, a greater regard for public faith, and in private life, for morality, your exertions joined with those of some worthy men, must certainly be more successful. I am called on a theatre to which I am a perfect stranger. There are before us some questions of the utmost consequence that can arise in the councils of any nation: the peace establishment; the regulation of our commerce, and the arrangement of our foreign appointments; whether we are to have regular or standing troops to protect our frontiers, or leave them unguarded; whether we will expose ourselves to the inconveniences, which may perhaps be the loss of the country westward, from the impossibility of preventing the adventurers from settling where they please; the intrusion of the settlers on the European powers, who border on us, a cause of discontent and perhaps of war, as with us a constant state of warfare with the savage tribes, to the ingrafting a principle in our constitution which may in its consequences, as it ever hath done with other powers, terminate in the loss of our liberty. How we are to counteract the narrow and illiberal system of commercial policy in the European powers, and what connexion we are to have with them, are also questions of the first import. If your health will permit, I shall be particularly happy to have your opinion upon these several subjects. It is my desire to hear from you as frequently as possible, and upon those subjects before us, which I shall be happy to make known to you. I am, with the utmost respect and esteem, Your sincere friend and servant, JAMES MONROE. Answer of Richard Henry Lee. CHANTILLY, January 5th, 1784. DEAR SIR-I have duly received the letter, that you were pleased to favour me with, on the 16th of December last. I am very sensible of your kind sentiments respecting my health; I am indeed restored beyond my expectations, but yet I am very far from being so circumstanced, as to promise hopes of being soon in a state to venture again on the stormy sea of politics, and public business. Few, I believe, feel more sensibly than myself, how much our unhappy country suffers, and is likely to suffer, from the want of those qualities, and such conduct, as are certainly indispensable to the success and well being of society. And it would seem that such feelings are natural to a man, who has laboured for more than twenty years in the public service, and indefatigably so, for the last ten years, to secure the public liberty and those blessings that ought to attend its possession. You do me much honour, by asking my poor opinions concerning the Congressional questions, that are stated; they are of great moment, no doubt, and I heartily wish that they may finally receive proper determination. You are perfectly right, sir, in your observation concerning the consequences of a standing army, that it has constantly terminated in the destruction of liberty. It has not only been constantly so, but I think it clear from the construction of human nature, that it always will be so; and it is really unfortunate for human freedom, safety, and happiness, that so many plausible arguments are ever at hand to support a system, which both reason and experience prove to be productive of the greatest of human evils-slavery. But it may be questioned-Why, to avoid possible ills, should we adopt measures which in their nature produce the highest evil? The spirit of the 4th section of the 6th article of the conferation, plainly discourages the idea of a standing army, by the special injunctions concerning a well regulated militia, which is indeed the best defence, and only proper security for a free people to venture upon. To guard our frontiers from Indian invasions, to prevent irregular settlements, and to secure the possessions of foreign powers from the encroachments of our people, which may provoke foreign or Indian wars, seem to be the reasons assigned for their adoption of this mischief working systema standing military force. But surely it is the business of other powers, to secure their own possessions, and punish the violators of them; and it would be as new, as it would be improper, to keep a standing army, to prevent the encroachments of our own citizens upon foreign states: it will ever be sufficient to disavow such proceedings and to give the culprits up to justice. As to the protection of our frontiers, it would seem best to leave it to the people themselves, as has ever been the case, and if at any time the frontier men should be too hard pressed, they may be assisted by the midland militia; this will always secure us a hardy set of men on the frontiers, used to arms, and always ready to assist against invasions on other parts; whereas if they are protected by regulars, security will necessarily produce inattention to arms, and the whole of our people becoming disused to war, will render the curse of a standing army necessary. In this light the Indians may be considered as a useful people, for it is surely fortunate for a free people to be under some necessity of keeping the whole body acquainted with the use of arms. Should the fear of Indians in some measure check the settlement of that country, it can be no inconvenience to a people already inhabiting much too thinly the country they possess. Irregular settlers, I think, may be kept away, by timely and judicious proclamations of Congress, forbidding such practices, and peremptorily assuring that no titles shall ever follow such settlements; and perhaps, also, by having a few persons near the scene, authorized to give notice to all goers. there, upon their first appearance. If the horrid evil of a standing army must be encountered, it is clear to me, that such forces had better be placed in judiciously chosen fortified places, to give protection to our own commerce, and that of foreigners. But I must confess, I would infinitely rather see this valuable purpose effected by the more safe and effectual measure of a navy, which I sincerely hope will be the constant and unremitting object of Congressional attention; and both the building and the manning of this navy should be as much as possible, dispersed throughout the thirteen states. With respect to trade, its combinations are so many, and so exclusive, that it is not easy to say much with propriety on that : subject hastily but one thing, respecting that, is evident, it is, that the free nature and genius of commerce always requires as little restraint as possible, and that in young commercial states, to embarrass trade with heavy imposts, or other clogs, is effectually to demolish it. How grievously do I lament that this is fully and fatally the case in our ill-fated country. In our actual circumstances, it is difficult to meet and check effectually, the illiberal commercial conduct of the European states, except by counter and similar restraints; but the want of men and vessels, for the present, renders this difficult, if not impossible. A wise attention to the raising of seamen and building of ships, may in time cause these selfish states, to rue their selfish policy. Do you not think that it would be well for Congress, to regulate and bring to uniformity the business of weights and measures, throughout the United States, and also, to establish an uniformity in the value of coins; our country, in particular, is suffering great loss for want of the latter regulations. I am, dear sir, with great respect and esteem, Your obedient servant, RICHARD HENRY LEE. NEW YORK, May 24th, 1786. DEAR SIR-I have no excuse for having been so indifferent a correspondent, except that I had nothing to communicate to you, and I knew that of this you were apprised by your brother, Colonel Lee. Lately, however, we have received despatches from Mr. Adams, of a very interesting nature. He presented, some time about November last, a memorial to the ministry, requiring a delivery of the posts, and compensation for the infraction of the treaty respecting the negroes; to which he received for answer, "that it was unquestionably true, that, by the seventh article, the posts should have been evacuated; but that, by the fourth and ninth, it was also stipulated that there should be no legal impediment in the way of the recovery of British debts; that these articles had been violated by almost every state in the confederacy. Lord Carmarthen enumerates all the acts of the several states which militate against the treaty, with great precision, and finally states, that it would be folly for one party to carry its engagements into effect, while the other |