3

tiations with the Athenians, that they would be successful. And those ambassadors, after a stormy and difficult passage to Lacedæmon, negotiated the means by which assistance might reach them.

V. The ambassadors who had gone to Athens, having returned without effecting any thing, the Mytilenians and the rest of Lesbos prepared for the war (except the Methymnians',

south of it can be supposed probable; I see no reason to abandon the opinion which I many years ago entertained, that Bopéav is an error of the scribes for vórov. Perhaps the words, denoting the four cardinal points were expressed by initials, or sigle, which would afford room for mistake, as in the case of letters from figures. Hobbes, indeed, thinks that this was some other Malea, and not the promontory. But it were more probable that the word itself Maléa is corrupt; only that it again occurs just after (ἐν τῇ Μαλέᾳ) which precludes the supposition.

I have, then, ventured in the text, after north, to place in brackets south. As serving to confirm the foregoing, I shall introduce the following graphic description by Pococke :-"Mytilene, the antient capital of the island, was situated on the spot of the present city of that name, which is called Castro. It is on the north side of the island towards the east end, and is only seven miles and a half from the most eastern point of the island, which was antiently called Cape Malea. The old city appears to have been built on the plain near the sea, and on the side of the hill to the south of it, and to have extended along the plain to the east of that hill. There was an island before the city about a mile in circumference, which was well inhabited, and is now joined to the land by an isthmus, which may be about a furlong wide, and of much the same length; and they have still a tradition of its being once an island. There was a port on each side of it, as there is at this time; that to the south-east was defended by two moles, of which there are now some ruins; the entrance is between them. The other port, to the north-west, was defended by a mole, of which there are great remains. The port to the south-east only is now frequented by large ships. The city was formerly very large, and one sees in all parts many fine pieces of grey marble, the remains of antient buildings. The present city is on the neck of land which leads to the peninsula; and on each side of it on the shore, and likewise to the south, it extends up to the side of the hill. It is about a mile in circumference, and is well built. The castle is on the top of the high rocky peninsula. The ruins of the old city are many, and extend a considerable way to the west."

3 Reliance on their negotiations.] At roug there is an ellipsis, which some supply by λióμevoç (others seek some word) TEίOELav. That were, however, too arbitrary and irregular an ellipsis. It is sufficient to suppose the usual subaudition of payμaot, with an adaptation of the word to the subject. And this is confirmed by 5, 46. οὐδὲν ἐκ Λακεδαιμόνος πεπραγμένον.

Methymnians.] This city was, as we learn from Strabo, two hundred and seventy stadia from Mytilene, two hundred and ten from the promontory of Sigrium, and seventy from the continent of Asia. All these distances are made in the best maps too little; and, indeed, the whole island would seem to have been larger that it is laid down in our maps. Methymna was next in power to Mytilene, and had already, as we find

who, as well as the Imbrians and Lemnians, and some few of the other allies, had come to the assistance of the Athenians). Then the Mytilenians made a sally in full force upon the Athenian camp, and a battle arose, in which the Mytilenians, though they were not worsted 2, would not venture to encamp in the field 3, but, distrustful of their own strength 4, retired within the walls. After this they kept quiet, intending, if reinforcements should come from Peloponnesus, again, with fresh preparations, to try their fortune. For by this time Meleas, a Lacedæmonian, and Hermæondas, a Theban, had arrived, who had been despatched before the revolt, but not being able to arrive before the Athenian fleet, had afterwards got secretly into harbour after the engagement. These urged the Mytilenians to send out another trireme, and ambassadors with them; which they did.

VI. The Athenians, exceedingly encouraged by the Mytilenians lying quiet, summoned to their aid their allies, who

from Herod. 1, 151., subjected one of the six states into which Lesbos had been divided, namely Arisba, situated in the interior.

2 Not worsted.] The words our iλaoσov ¿xovreç might, by meiosis, denote that they had the better; at least it must import that there was a drawn battle, neither party being able to claim the victory.

So the

3 Encamp in the field.] Or, "in the face of the enemy." Schol. In this manner iravλílaodai is used at 4, 134., and Arrian Ind. 13, 2. τόπον - ὅσον μέγαλα στρατοπέδα ἐπαυλίσασθαι. The reason why they did so is just after subjoined, that they were diffident of themselves. Now, it must be observed, that this not encamping on the field, but retiring, was held to give up all clain to the victory, which had been doubtful. So at 4, 134. it is said, respecting a battle between the Tegæans and Mantineans: καὶ ἀγχωμάλου τῆς μάχης γενομένης, καὶ ἀφελομένης νυκτὸς τὸ ἔργον, οἱ Τεγεῖται μὲν ἐπηυλίσαντό τε, καὶ εὐθὺς ἔστησαν τροπαῖον. Hence may be illustrated, and, perhaps, emended, an obscure passage of Lucian, t. 2, 100, 95. ἐπηυλισάμεθα τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ τροπαῖον ἐστήσαμεν. The Lesbians felt this as an acknowledgment of defeat, by afterwards keeping close within their walls; as did also the Athenians, by their taking fresh courage from it.

4 Strength.] i. e. strength of forces; as in Xen. Hipp, 7, 13. and 8, 24. τὸ ἰσχυρὸν and τὰ ἰσχυρά. Also Dio Cass. 263, 14. οὐδὲν ἰσχυρὸν παρεσκευ άσαντο. and 426, 71. οὐδὲν ἰσχυρὸν εἶχεν. and 509, 85. ἰσχυρόν τι παραλαβεῖν. Mitford paraphrases, "they began to have a worse opinion of their affairs."

Intending, if, &c.] Goeller construes thus: « IIeλ. ei πpoσyévoiró ti, καὶ μετ ̓ ἄλλης παρασκευῆς (εἰ προσγένοιτο), βουλόμενοι κινδυνεύειν.

6 Had been despatched.] Namely, by the Lacedæmonians and Thebans. Smith erroneously interprets it of their having been despatched on business by the Lesbians; the contrary to which plainly appears from c. 15., where it is said the Baotians solicited them to revolt.

joined them with so much the more alacrity, as they perceived no indications of strength on the part of the Mytilenians. Having brought round the fleet to an anchorage on the south side of the city, they fortified two camps on either side of the city, stationing blockading squadrons at both ports. Thus they hindered the Mytilenians from the use of the sea, who, however, being already reinforced by the other Lesbians, were masters over the land, excepting that the Athenians occupied that in the immediate vicinity of their camps (which was not much 1); for the promontory of Malea was only a roadstead for their

6

66

cum

1 Having brought round, &c.] The translators have been not a little perplexed with περιορμίσαντες τὸ νότον τῆς πολέως; while the commentators avoid the difficulty by passing over the words. Portus renders, classe circumdedissent australem urbis partem." And so most other translators, as Smith and Gail. But that would require περιορμησάμενοι, which is indeed found in some MSS., but is inapposite, because, in the same sentence, it is said that they stationed blockading squadrons at both ports, namely, both the north and south. Such, therefore, cannot be the meaning, in order to attain which, we must consider the idiom of the word. Now opμilo vavv signifies to bring a ship into port, or into anchorage; and opμíoaodai is used in the sense come to anchor, or mooring. See 1, 46. 2, 41. 7, 34. 2, 86. 1, 51. 5, 76. 7, 30. This is sometimes used with is, denoting the place of anchorage. Of the same import is ¿popuíSeoTai ¿ç Xipéva (see Steph. Thes. nov. ed.), also kаtopμilεiv πрòs, and Thucyd. 1. 6. καθορμισαμένου ταῖς ναυσίν. See Schaefer there. Με ορμίζεσθαι ég is used of change of port or anchorage. Thus Tεpopμi must mean in stationem circumago, as Steph. Thes. explains, who also cites Demosth. ap. Pollux, Tεptopμ. τýjν vavν ¿πi Tò xoμa. And so in p. 1229, 9. 1250, 9. And such is, no doubt, the sense in the present passage, where, at ro VÓTOV must be understood ini, or some such preposition; unless r be the true reading. The epi has reference to the promontory of Malea, which they had to double.

It may be observed, that they took the south side of the place for their mooring, because there was better anchorage there.

2 Two camps.] These were both, doubtless, in connection with the respective squadron moored at the two ports. Of the custom of forming separate camps where a city could not be regularly invested, we have else where vestiges. So Plutarch Luc. 9. Κυζικήνους δὲ Μ. δέκα μέν ἐκ γῆς στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν, ταὶς δὲ ναυσὶν, κ. τ. λ.

3 Blockading squadrons.] Literally, "their blockading ships;" for the article has here the sense of the pronoun possessive. See Middleton.

4 Which was not much.] The words où oλ should be pointed off from the rest of the sentence. Here, perhaps, iπì is to be understood, and (as the Schol. says) μépoç yñs.

5 Only.] Or, rather than any thing else.

* Roadstead.] That τὸ ναύσταθμον was more Attic than ὁ ναύσταθμος, has been sufficiently shown by Duker, who has, however, not remarked that the word was used of a situation which could not perhaps properly be called a port, as being only safe in certain winds, while, in others, it was a mere roadstead; in short, to use the words of Virgil, “tantum sinus, et

barks, serving also for a market. And this was the state of the war at Mytilene.7

VII. About the same period of this summer, the Athenians despatched thirty ships to Peloponnesus', under the command of Asopius the son of Phormio; the Acarnanians having desired some one to be sent them as commander, who should be either a son or other relative of Phormio. And as the ships were coasting, they ravaged the maritime parts of Laconia. Afterwards Asopius sent back home the greater part of the ships, retaining twelve only, with which he arrived at Naupactus. Then raising3 the whole force of the Acarnanians, he proceeded against Eniada, attacking it on the sea side by the fleet up the Achelous, as the land forces ravaged the territory. When, however, they listened not to terms of surrender, he dismissed the army; but proceeding with the fleet to Leucas, and making a descent on Nericus, he was slain there in retreat, together with a part of his forces, by those of the country who had assembled for defence, and some guards there stationed. After this the Athenians, having

statio male fida carinis." The oív has reference to the transports belonging to the fleet, or which touched there to supply the armament with provisions. 'Ayopãç is for ɛiç ȧyopàv, “ in loco mercatus."

7 And this was, &c.] Literally, "was the posture of affairs respecting the war at Mytilene."

To Peloponnesus.] i. e. to cruise about Peloponnesus. "This new crisis (observes Mitford) roused the spirit of the Athenian administration and people. It was indeed become of the utmost importance to show that they had still resolution to dare, and still strength to execute. The formidable state of their navy at this time, which enabled so small a commonwealth to command such extensive dominion, and to resist such a powerful confederacy, is, indeed, truly wonderful, and does the highest honour to the foresight and exertions of Themistocles, by whom it was first raised, and of Pericles, by whom principally it was maintained and improved."

2 A son or other relative of Phormio.] This seems to show that Phormio was, by this time, too much worn out to encounter service so harassing as that of predatory cruising.

3 Raising.] This sense of aviornμ is seldom found but in Thucydides. It occurs, however, in Arrian E. A. 5, 22. πoλλà i‡vη ávaorýoavrai, in societatem adscitis. It is well explained by the Schol. here, sig ovpμaxiav διεγείρειν.

Nericus.] Not Nericum, as Smith writes. This place is mentioned by Homer Od. . 376., and, according to Strabo, Pliny, and others, was the same with what was afterwards called the city of Leucas. See Berkley on Steph. Byz. in v., and Wasse on 3, 97. It is, however, truly observed by Poppo, that this seems at variance with Thucydides, who mentions both.

received their dead from the Leucadians by treaty, sailed

away.

VIII. Now those ambassadors of the Mytilenians who were sent out on board the first ship, being desired' by the Lacedæmonians to repair to Olympia, in order that the other allies also might hear their representations and take counsel, accordingly went thither. It was the olympiad when Dorieus, the Rhodian, was victor the second time. And after the festival2, being permitted to address the meeting, they spoke as follows:

IX. "Well we know, Lacedæmonians' and allies, the established usage among the Greeks, that those who in war receive rebels and deserters of their former alliance, so long, indeed, as they are profited by them, hold them in favour 2, but, regarding them as betrayers of their former friends, think

1 Being desired, &c.] "They found," says Mitford, "no very earnest disposition to engage in their cause. The Lacedæmonian government would neither of itself undertake it, nor call a congress of the confederacy. The Mytilenians were coldly told that the season of the Olympian festival was at hand; they might go to Olympia, where they would find some principal persons of every state of the Lacedæmonian alliance, and so they might have opportunity to learn how each was disposed."

After the festival.] i. e. after the religious observances had been performed, and the solemn games and ceremonies exhibited. Hence it appears, that after those duties were ended, the assemblage did not immediately separate, but held communication both on political and private matters; as it was likely men would do who were assembled together so rarely. Smith has here a long philippic on the "baseness of the Spartans in thus abusing, for private ends and party feuds, a most noble and sacred institution." But such is the influence of worldly passions in every age. Besides, the Lacedæmonians, it may be observed, were by no means eager to engage in the business.

This admirable oration contains, the Scholiast observes, three heads or topics. 1. Justice; q. d. we have justly abandoned the alliance of Athens. 2. Possibility; q. d. we ask you to engage in a project which is possible and practicable; for the Athenians are weakened by the pestilence, and their force is dispersed in various parts. 3. Profit; namely, that it is expedient to receive a power which can render you eminent service, and also thereby cut off one main source of Athenian revenue. The conclusion is occupied in exasperation and exhortation.

Well we know, Lacedæmonians, &c.]. The commencement of this oration is imitated by Livy, 1. 27, 17. "Scire enim se transfugæ nomen exsecrabile veteribus sociis, novis suspectum."

2 Hold them in favour.] Literally, hold in liking, caress them.