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possession of a navy, and had power unimpaired by disaster.” Hence, at first, they would not give ear to the accusations, swayed more by the wish that they might not prove true. When, however, after sending ambassadors “, they failed to persuade the Mytilenians to dissolve the union of the town with Mytilene ', and to stop their preparations, they were

Scholiast seems to have rightly explained προσπολεμώσασθαι by πολεμίαν Toussai; though Dio Cass, seems to have taken it in the sense subdue, the word being so used by him at p. 124, 90. and 564, 43. Perhaps he was induced to adopt this sense from the phrase péya ēpyov, which properly signifies a difficult and arduous work. So too it is taken by the Schol.; and has that sense in Xen. Cyr. 7, 5, 26. péya žpyov åpxiiv kara pãčar, and Herod. l. 1. It may, however, be taken in the figurative signification which I have assigned.

2 Unimpaired by disaster.) On this sense of axépalos (which seems alluded to by Hesych., who explains the word by åvenianKTÒs), see Valck. on Herod. 4, 152. It seems, too, to have been had in view by Livy, 9, 41. “gentis integræ a cladibus belli.

Swayed more by, fc.) Such seems to be the sense of this idiomatical and, therefore, difficult clause urīkov - sivat. It had been rather guessed by the translators, than proved by the interpreters. The difficulty turns on the phrase peisov pépos vépovres, which is wrongly rendered by Kistemach. “ majus quiddam curantes.” Hack, alone, seized the true sense, by rendering, “plus tribuentes.” Of this phrase the following are examples: - Eurip. Suppl. 241. aléov pépos vépovreç TY DJóvą. Joseph, 54, 45. πλέον νέμειν τη ηδόν). Εurip. Antiop. frag. νέμων το πλείστον, τούτω pépos. Other more critical matter I must reserve for my edition, only adding those passages which seem imitated from the present. Phil. Jud. 1002. πλείστον δίδοντες μέρος τω μή βούλεσθαι - δοκείν ώμον. Dio Cass. 118, 77. τω βουλήσει πλέον μέρος Νέμοντες ή τη δύναμει. which reminds me of a remark of Gibbon Decl. and Fall, vol. 4. p. 33. Oddy. : “ The council rejected the suspicion of danger with a blind confidence which was not the effect of courage, but of fear.” Isidor. Epist. 1. 2, 197. E. &Telồn å uèv προσεϊναι εαυτοίς βουλόμεθα, και αληθή είναι ηγούμεθα, των δυσκόλων ραδίως αποκρουόμεθα τήν μνημών, τω μή βούλεσθαι γένεσθαι το πλέον νέμοντες. which shows the ratio of the thing. And so Procop. p. 47, 37. 345, 37. Hence the pithy dict of Charito, p. 78, 8. (or rather of Demosth. Olynth. 3. from whom it was borrowed), ο γάρ βούλεται τούθ' έκαστος και οίεται. Ηeliod. 1, 168, 10. ώς έκαστος είχε βουλήσεως, ούτω και ελάμβανε. Livy 6, 21. “ Et nimis credi de criminibus, quia nollent ea vera esse, appareret.

Cæsar : “ Fere libenter homines id quod volunt, credunt." See also Herodian 5, 4, 5. Joseph. 1156, 38. Most true as well as admirably expressed is the apophthegm of Eurip. Frag. Incert. 32. ö Botletai yùp uovov opwv kai #pooδοκών, 'Αλόγιστός έστι της αληθείας κριτής.

It is strange that none of the above passages, any more than many others which I have noted, should have been adduced by the commentators.

4 Ambassadors.). Not "commissioners of inquiry and inspection," as Mitford expresses it.

5 Union of the town with Mytilene.] That such is the sense is plain from the words a little before at c. 2. ξυνοικίζουσι την Λέσβον ες την Μυτι. Ayuny, where see the note. Hence it is clear that the true reading here is

alarmed, and wishing to be beforehand with them, they suddenly sent thither, under the command of Clippides son of Dinias, and two colleagues, forty sail which happened then to be fitted out for cruizing round Peloponnesus. They had, too , been informed that there was soon to be a festival of Apollo Maloeis, solemnized out of the city , at which the Mytilenians attend in a body '; and that there was reason to hope that by hastening they might then fall upon them suddenly and unexpectedly1o: and if the attempt should succeed, well and good "l; but, if not, they were to order the Mytilenians to deliver up their fleet and destroy their walls, and, in case they refused, to commence hostilities against them. So those ships departed; but ten Mytilenian triremes, which happened then to be there on service, as the naval auxiliary

Evvoikioiv, which Bekker and Goeller ought to have edited from at least three MSS., and, as it seems, the Scholiast.

6. ?00.) Literally, for, which refers to the " suddenly.” They wished to anticipate the Mytilenians; and they especially struck the stroke speedily, because they had been informed, &c.

? Was soon to be.] Such must be the sense; unless the festival were of long continuance. Indeed this sense of the indicative (as here, of the optative, in a narrative sense) may be elsewhere found.

8 Out of the city.) i.e., as it should seem, at the promontory of Malea, where, doubtless, the temple stood; and I have before remarked on the custom, among the Greeks, of building temples on promontories, for the benefit of mariners. Indeed it is probable there were few of any note without them. Malea was, as we learn from Strabo, seventy stadia from Mytilene.

9 In a body.) i. e. en masse. Mitford adds, that they went in procession; yet that cannot be gathered from the words

10 Suddenly and unexpectedly, apvw.] The latter is implied in the former.

11 If the attempt should succeed, well and good.] At this aposiopesis, which is per antanaclasin (a figure which the genius of modern languages will not bear), the commentators supply kalūs av ein. Matthiæ, in his Gr. Gr. p. 939. Blomf. (who cites Homer. Il. a. 139., the present passage, and one of Plato), supplies ralūs tel. I add the following examples. Herod. 8, 62, 4. συ ει μένεις αυτού, και μένων έσεαι ανηρ αγαθός - ει δε μή, κ. τ. λ. where, as Valckn. observes, must be supplied eŭ åv čxou. Eurip. Antiop. frag. 19. și voūs éveoti — ei dd pri, k. 7... Theogn. ap. Athen. 36. C. Liban. Epist. 1372 and 1451. Which passages prove that the pèv is not essential to the phrase. Matthiæ (intending to show a rarity of form, as occurring after de), to the examples above mentioned, subjoins from Plato, ei uèv Boúderat εψέτω, ει δ' ό, τι βούλεται, τούτο ποιείτω. But that is no example of the ellipsis in question ; for after ei oè must be supplied from the context uri Boblerai. With respect to the former clause, it contains rather an example of the plena locutio, and brings to mind a plenissima locutio in Ruth 3, 13. εάν αγχιστεύση σε, αγαθόν, αγχιστεύετω. εάν δε μή, &c.

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quota, the Athenians seized, and put their crews in custody." The Mytilenians, however, were apprized of the sailing of the fleet by a man from Athens, who, crossing over into Euboa, and proceeding by land to Geræstus 13, and there meeting with a merchant-ship 14 just sailing, and having a fa

12 Ten Mytilenian triremes, &c.] As a measure of precaution, since the news must have come to their ears; for (as Mitford rightly supposes) a vote of the assembly would be necessary to authorize the measure. It may not be improper to remark, that there seems no reason why the article should have been employed, nothing having been before said about these ships. I was formerly of opinion that we should point τάς δε των Μυτιλ.ων číxa rpınpeç ai, &c.; but that would not remove the difficulty. It should rather seem that the article is here employed in the use of insertions var' iboxiv (on which see Middlet. p. 47.), ten being, it should seem, the regular and well known quota furnished by Lesbos.

13 Geræstus.] Some MSS. and authors have Geristus. Those writers, however, where it is found are only later ones. Wasse and Duker have done right in retaining the textual reading; but they might have added that it is confirmed not only by Homer and Herodotus, but by Xen. Hist., 3, 44, 5. 4, 61. Eurip. Orest. 994. Cycl. 294. Strabo, Hesych. and Arrian. Ger.

appears from Steph. Byz. and the Etym. Mag. to have been both a promontory, and a port and town. Nay, it is reckoned among the cities of Eubæa by Pliny and Solinus. The origin of the name is referred by Steph. Byz. to a certain Geræstus, a son of Jupiter. But far more rational (and indeed, it should seem, true) is the account given by the Etym. Mag: who says it is a promontory, and temple of Neptune (Strabo, too, says it was the most famous temple of those parts), and so called from the worship there of that divinity. It may be observed that the appellation, being more antient than the time of Homer, ascends to a period when it should seem) the custom of erecting temples on promontories had not grown into general use, as it afterwards did, and when therefore such an epithet might be distinctive. The word is derived from γεραίζω, cognate with γεραίω, which is used for yepaipw. See Steph. Thes. whence it appears

that γεραίρω was used of the religious honours paid to the gods.

The reason why the man took the road to Geræstus appears from Strabo 1. 10. init. where it is said to be opportunely situated for those crossing from Asia to Attica; and, consequently, vice versa. And (what is still more to the purpose) Arrian E. A. 2, 1, 3. says of Sigrium, that it is the tpooBolij, or landing-place, or point of approach, for merchant-vessels from Gerästus. How antient this passage was, appears from Hom. Od. 3, 177. "Ωρτο δ' επί λιγύς ούρος Ζήμεναι· αι δε μάλ' ώκα Ιχθυόεντα κέλευθα διέδραμον ές δε Γεραιστον 'Εννύχιαι κατάγοντο.

The accumulation of participles, in this sentence, is almost as remarkable as the sigmatism of a well known line of Euripides. This beauty (if such it be) is, however, improved upon by an imitation in Polyæn. 8, 46. raðra πάντα νύκτωρ λαθούσα, πάλιν επί θάλασσαν κατελθούσα, ακάτιoν ευρoύσα, πνεύματος επιτυχούσα, το απόγειον ελκύσασα, μόνη αναχθείσα, κατέπλουσεν. where, indeed, Casaubon would insert another participle after távra. But that may, perhaps, be left to be understood, and the comma should be removed after λαθούσα. Finally, for πάλιν I would read πόλιν.

vourable voyage 15, arrived at Mytilene on the third day 16 from leaving Athens. On this information, the Mytilenians went not out to Maloeis 17, but set themselves to barricade the unfinished parts of the walls and ports, placing proper guards for their defence.18

IV. Not long after, the Athenians arrived, and saw the preparations. The commanders, however, delivered the orders with which they were charged, and, when the Mytilenians

14 Meeting with a, &c.] This passage is imitated by Procop. 121.68xáðos åvayouévns étitvxwv, and 155, 37. 241, 41. Plutarch Camill. 4. See a very similar passage in 1, 137. and the note there.

15 Having a favourable voyage.] Or quick passage. Moūç is used car' lzoxiv, as at 1, 137. where see note. Of the present phrase examples may be seen in Irmisch's note on Herodian 5, 4, 22.

16 On the third day.) This use of operatos (as of the other ordinals) is an elegant Atticism, as the following examples will show. Xen. Anab. 5, 3, 2. αφικνούνται εις Κ. τριταίοι. Diod. Sic. t. 6, 87. τριταίοι παραγενηθήσαν εις Κ. Arrian E. A. 1, 5, 1. τριταίος αφικνείται. Joseph. 87, 37. εις Βελεφώντα τριταίοι παραγίνονται. Lucian, t. 2. 97. Herod. 2, 117. τριταίοι ες τον breavdv år nxënuev, and 6, 106 and 120. Diphil. ap. Athen. 292 B. Theocr. Id. 2, 4. All of which passages seem to have sprung fonte ex Homerico. Thus Odyss. 1. 14, 257. πεμπταίοι δ' Αίγυπτον εκόμεθα.

The passage was indeed quick ; but that of Nestor from Lesbos to Geræstus was quicker ; since Homer says, Odyss. 3, 177. "Ipro fori deyus ούρος αήμεναι· αι δε μάλ' ώκα Ιχθυόεντα κέλευθα διέδραμον ές δε Γεραιστον 'Evvú xiai karayovto. which, however, Eustath. and other commentators have wrongly interpreted of making the passage in one night. As the distance is about a hundred miles, that is an incredibly short time. Nor is such a signification inherent in the word, which only imports that they arrived there in the course of the night; and as they perhaps left Lesbos on the first dawn of day, the

thing is not incredible. There is something much to the same purpose in Dorv. on Charit. p. 273.

17 Maloeis.) This seems here to signify the close or sacred precincts of the temple, wherein the festival was held. See Steph. Byz Mallbeis.

18 Barricade the, &c.] Such seems to be the true sense of the passage, which has been somewhat misconceived by the interpreters. Tà axla is for eis rà alla, as often in Thucydides and the best writers, to signify cætera φuod attinet. The construction is : τά τε άλλα, εφύλασσον περί τα ημιτέλεστα (μέρη) των τειχών και λιμένων φραξάμενοι (αυτά). The passage is imitated by Arrian E. A. 2, 20, 12. τον εσπλούν φραξάμενοι εφύλασσον. So ppášaosa is used in the best writers. It is, therefore, not well rendered by Hobbęs and Smith making up or stopping the

gaps. Since writing the above, I find that Hack perceived the sense of rà alla, and has indicated the construction.

By the building of walls mentioned here and at c. 2. we are, perhaps, not to understand the city walls in general (for of such we can hardly suppose the city was destitute), but such additional fortifications as were judged necessary.

would not listen to their demands, commenced hostilities. The Mytilenians, unprepared and suddenly forced into hostilities, made sail, indeed, with their fleet a little way out of the harbour, as for an engagement; but, being driven back by the Athenian fleet, they asked a parley with the commanders, being desirous, if possible, to get the fleet sent away, for the present, upon some moderate conditions. The Athenian commanders granted the request, being themselves afraid lest they should not be able to stand a contest with all Lesbos. Having, then, obtained a suspension of arms, the Mytilenians send to Athens both one of those who had impeached them (but who had already repented), and others, if by any means they might persuade the Athenians to remove the fleet; as though they were not going to attempt any change of policy. Meanwhile, however, they sent a trireme with ambassadors to Lacedæmon, eluding the vigilance of the Athenian fleet, which lay at anchor off Malea, to the north (or south] of the city ?; for they placed reliance on their nego

| Change of policy.) So, 1, 116. VEwtepigas Tiv Toitelav. Perhaps a change of polity was also intended; and indeed one implied the other.

9 To the north of the city.) There is a difficulty connected with these words, which, though it be not noticed by the commentators (except Poppo), is by no means inconsiderable, and engaged my attention many years ago. It is this. By all the accounts we have of Mytilene and Malea, it is clear that Malea was to the south of Mytilene. Poppo thinks that the only mode of removing this difficulty, is to suppose that the old city was on a different situation from the more recent one. He also refers to Schneider (or rather Wolf) on Xen. Hist. 1, 6, 27. as being of the same opinion. It is, he thinks, clear, from the words of Xenophon, that Malea was beyond the Euripus, and situated to the north, over against Mytilene; and to the new city belonged the promontory, with a port. The meaning of this commentator is not very clear; but he appears to suppose that old Mytilene was close under and somewhat south of Malea ; though new Mytilene was north of it. It should seem, however, that the whole is a mere imagination, and founded on no antient warrant or evidence whatever; for certainly the words of Diodorus give no countenance to it, and it is at variance with those of Strabo. Those writers, though they both distinguish the old and the new city, and represent the old one as an island, and the new one as on the opposite coast of Lesbos, yet say that the Euripus, or channel, was very narrow; and that the new one was very near to it is clear from the words of the former, ý cotepov a pogolklogeioa, &c. Besides, Strabo says that Malea was seventy stadia from Mytilene; and Xenophon describes it as ávrhov rñs Mituluvns. This, then, altogether destroys the whole hypothesis, which is, indeed, encircled on all sides with difficulties more than it is necessary to state. Now, as Strabo says that Malea was to νοτιώτατον άκρον. and as it is impossible to get rid of the testimonies which show that Mytilene was to the north of Malea ; and as no place to the

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