497. VINDICATION OF TRUTH-NOT IN THE POWER OF EVERY MAN. I could never divide myself from any man upon the difference of an opinion, or be angry with his judgment for not agreeing with me in that from which perhaps within a few days I should dissent myself. I have no genius to disputes in religion, and have often thought it wisdom to decline them, especially upon a disadvantage, or when the cause of truth might suffer in the weakness of my patronage: where we desire to be informed 'tis good to contest with men above ourselves; but to confirm and establish our opinions 'tis best to argue with judgments below our own, that the frequent spoils and victories over their reason may settle in ourselves an esteem and confirmed opinion of our own. Every man is not a proper champion for truth, nor fit to take up the gauntlet in the cause of verity; many, from the ignorance of these maxims, and an inconsiderate zeal unto truth, have too rashly charged the troops of errour, and remain as trophies unto the enemies of truth. A man may be in as just possession of truth as of a city, and yet be forced to surrender; 'tis therefore far better to enjoy her with peace, than to hazard her on a battle.

SIR T. BROWNE

498. CHARLES VII. OF FRANCE, HIS EXTENSION OF THE REGAL POWER. Encouraged by these manifest symptoms of decline in that body which he wished to depress, Charles VII. during the first interval of peace with England, made several efforts towards establishing the regal prerogative on the ruins of the aristocracy. But his obligations to the nobles were so many, as well as recent, and their services in recovering the kingdom so splendid, as rendered it necessary for him to proceed with moderation and caution. Such, however, was the authority which the crown had acquired by the progress of its arms against the English, and so much was the power of the nobility diminished, that, without any opposition, he soon made innovations of great consequence in the constitution. He not only established that formidable body of regular troops, which has been mentioned, but he was the first monarch of France who, by his royal edict, without the concurrence of the states-general of the kingdom, levied an extraordinary subsidy on his people. He prevailed likewise with his subjects to render several taxes perpetual, which had formerly been imposed occasionally, and exacted during a short time. By means of all these innovations, he acquired such an increase

cf power, and extended his prerogative so far beyond its ancient limits, that, from being the most dependent prince who had ever sat upon the throne of France, he came to possess, during the latter years of his reign, a degree of authority which none of his predecessors had enjoyed for several ages.

W. ROBERTSON

499. STORY OF CALLISTHENES AND ALEXANDER. Callisthenes, that followed Alexander's court, and was grown in some displeasure with him, because he could not well brook the Persian adoration; at a supper (which with the Grecians was ever a great part talk) was desired, because he was an eloquent man, to speak of some theme, which he did; and chose for his theme the praise of the Macedonian nation, which though it were but a filling thing to praise men to their faces, yet he did it with such advantage of truth, and avoidance of flattery, and with such life, as the hearers were so ravished with it, that they pluckt the roses off from their garlands, and threw them upon him; as the manner of applauses then was: Alexander was not pleased with it, and by way of discountenance said, it was easy to be a good orator, in a pleasing theme. But (saith he to Callisthenes), turn your style, and tell us now of our faults, that we may have the profit, and not you only the praise: which he presently did with such a force, and so piquantly, that Alexander said, the goodness of his theme had made him eloquent before; but now it was the malice of his heart, that had inspired hin.

LORD BACON

500. THE PROTECTOR SOMERSET. The ancient loyalty which had attached the yeoman to his feudal superior had given place to a deep and vindictive hatred. The lords, if less guilty personally than others of the landowners, did not care to compromise themselves by dangerous interference. The interests of the higher classes were combined against the lower, and the courts of law were themselves infected. What was to be done? Principle and prudence would perhaps have united to recommend the Protector to set himself an example of abstinence from the pursuit of personal aggrandizement, before he meddled with others. As church and chantry lands fell in, he would have done wisely if he had neither kept them for himself, nor distributed them among his adherents; if he had disposed of them as national

property and applied the proceeds to the restoration of the currency. Perhaps he was not wholly responsible for having missed seeing what his own and others' interests combined to conceal from him. Unhappily for himself, for his fortune and reputation, he chose a course for himself, generous in intention, yet rash and dangerous, and deliberately against the opinion of the rest of the council. He was constitutionally haughty, and he was conscious of a noble and honourable purpose. He determined to enforce the statutes; and as the courts of law were tedious and corrupt, to follow the perilous counsel of Latimer, who recommended him to follow Solomon's example, and hear the causes of the poor himself. Paget, to whom he owed the Protectorate, and to whose advice he had promised to listen, warned him to be cautious. Let him strengthen the hands of the magistrates, keep order, and prevent breaches of the peace. Let him ascertain privately who were the greatest offenders against the tillage statutes, send for them separately, reason with them, and, if necessary, punish them. But, if he valued either his own welfare, or the quiet of the kingdom, let him not attempt to interfere by force; above all, let him not meddle with the courts of law.

501. THE SPECULATIONS OF THEORISTS-THEIR PRACTICAL VALUE.

The politic Florentine has observed that there are brains of three races. The one understands of itself; the other understands as much as is shewn it by others; the third neither understands of itself, nor what is shewn it by others. In our times there are more perhaps who belong to the third class from vanity and acquired frivolity of mind, than from natural incapacity. It is no uncommon weakness with those who are honoured with the acquaintance of the great, to attribute national events to particular persons or particular measures, to the errors of one man, to the intrigues of another, to any possible spark of a particular occasion, rather than to the true proximate cause (which alone deserves the name of a cause) the predominant state of public opinion. And still less are they inclined to refer the latter to the ascendancy of speculative principles, and the scheme or mode of thinking in vogue. I have known men, who with significant nods, and the pitying contempt of smiles, have denied all influence to the corruptions of moral and political philosophy, and with much solemnity have proceeded to solve the riddle of the French Revolution by anecdotes! Yet it would not be

difficult, by an unbroken chain of historic facts, to demonstrate that the most important changes in the commercial relations of the world had their origin in the closets or lonely walks of uninterested theorists; that the mighty epochs of commerce which have changed the face of empires; nay, the most important of those discoveries and improvements in the mechanic arts, which have numerically increased our population beyond what the wisest statesman of Elizabeth's reign deemed possible, and again doubled this population virtually; the most important, I say, of those inventions which in their results -best uphold

war by her two main nerves, iron and goldhad their origin not in the cabinets of statesmen, or in the practical insight of men of business, but in the visions of recluse genius.

S. T. COLERIDGE

5.02. ESCAPE OF QUEEN MARY AND THE INFANT PRINCE. When the palace had been some time profoundly quiet, James rose and called a servant who was in attendance. 'You will find,' said the King, ‘a man at the door of the antechamber; bring him hither.' The servant obeyed, and Lauzun was ushered into the royal bedchamber. 'I confide to you,' said James, 'my Queen and my son; everything must be risked to carry them into France.' Lauzun, with a truly chivalrous spirit, returned thanks for the dangerous honour which had been conferred on him, and begged permission to avail himself of the assistance of his friend Saint Victor, a gentleman of Provence, whose courage and faith had been often tried. The services of so valuable an assistant were readily accepted. Lauzun gave his hand to Mary; Saint Victor wrapped up in his warm cloak the illfated heir of so many kings. The party stole down the back stairs, and embarked in an open skiff. It was a miserable voyage. The night was bleak: the rain fell: the wind roared: the waves were rough: at length the boat reached Lambeth ; and the fugitives landed near an inn, where a coach and horses were in waiting.

LORD MACAULAY

503. If there be anything worse than the commission of those crimes-I trust there cannot be it must be a tribunal that can sanctify them. For, even in the worst of crimes,

there is something imputable to the depravity of a single individual. What is done from passion is more easily to be excused; what is done from determined malignity, bad as it is, you still see the source of it in the human heart, because something of malignity is undoubtedly a quality inherent in a great part of mankind; but, upon cool deliberate reason and examination, to sanctify injustice, to uphold tyranny, and to declare British justice to be far worse than any oppression in any country, is fixing an indelible stain upon the character of your Lordships and on the British legislation. They might say, ‘These men talk of their own character; they talk of the constitution of their country, of the mildness of their laws, of the fair chance that every innocent man has upon his trial, and the certainty of conviction of every man who is guilty; but, when facts are laid before them, when crimes are presented to them, they have laid down as a principle, destructive to the character of the English name, destructive of the liberty of every man under the English government in this great empire, that crimes and punishments ought to have no proportion to each other.' C. J. FOX

504. THE NEGRO SLAVES OF AFRICA AND THE WEST INDIES COMPARED. It has been deemed, by general consent, to be a pretty fair test of the comfortable or wretched state of any people, that they increase or diminish in number. Now, it is remarkable, that whereas, in Africa, the negroes are represented as being a very prolific and very healthy people, and that, consequently, the negro nations, in general, have an overflowing population, we are told, that in the West Indies, a climate exactly similar to their own, they cannot even keep up their numbers without continual importations. Again, it is also singular that negro slaves, these well-fed, idle, merry beings, who find this state of slavery so congenial with their habits and feelings, whenever, by a long-continued course of superior industry, parsimony, and good fortune, they are able to accumulate a sum of money, which to them must appear immense wealth, are known to apply it all to the purchase of their freedom; or, when their own lives have been so far advanced as to be scarcely worth redeeming, they buy with it the freedom of a child, or a brother, or a sister.