IX. provided that the Scheldt was to remain for ever closed; CHAP. but the career of conquest having brought the French armies to Antwerp, a decree of the Convention was passed 1792. on 16th November, ordering the French commander-inchief to open the Scheldt: and by another decree, passed on the same day, the French troops were ordered to pursue the fugitive Austrians into the Dutch territory. These directions were immediately carried into effect by a French squadron, in defiance of the Dutch authorities, sailing up the Scheldt to assist in the siege of the citadel of Antwerp. The Convention did not attempt to justify these violations of subsisting treaties on any grounds recognised by the law of nations, but contended, “that treaties extorted by cupidity, and yielded by despotism, could not bind the free and enfranchised Belgians."1 Le Brun's What rendered this aggression altogether inexcusable was, the Conventhat the French had, only eight years before, viz. in 1784, Reg. xxxiii. interfered to prevent a similar opening of the Scheldt, 137, 165; when attempted by Austria, then mistress of the Low Papers, 344, Countries, and had succeeded in resisting that aggression xxxiv. 173. upon the ground of its violating the rights of the United 78, 79. Provinces, as established by the treaty of 1731.1 Memorial to tion. Ann. and State 346; and Ségur, ii. in England, tum of Lord the part of its govern ment. In these alarming circumstances the English militia 121. were called out, the Tower was put in a state of defence, Preparaand parliament summoned for the 13th December. In tions for war the speech from the throne, the perilous nature of the and ultima new principles of interference with other states, proclaimed Grenville on and acted upon by the French rulers, were strongly pointed out. "I have carefully observed," said the King, "a strict neutrality in the present war on the Continent, and have uniformly abstained from any interference in the internal affairs of France; but it is impossible to see, without the most serious uneasiness, the strong and increasing indications which have there appeared, of an intention to excite disturbances in other countries, to disregard the rights of neutral nations, and to pursue views of conquest and aggrandisement, as well as to adopt IX. 1792. CHAP. towards my allies the States-General, who have observed the same neutrality with myself, measures which are neither conformable to the law of nations nor to the stipulations of existing treaties." An angry correspondence, in consequence, ensued between the British cabinet and the French ambassador, which, having led to no satisfactory result, the armaments of England continued without intermission, and corresponding preparations were made in the French harbours. "England," said Lord Grenville, in a note to M. Chauvelin the French envoy, never will consent that France should arrogate to herself the power of annulling at pleasure, and under cover of a pretended natural right, of which she makes herself the sole judge, the political system of Europe, established by solemn treaties, and guaranteed by the consent of all the powers. This government will also never see with indifference, that France shall make herself, either directly or indirectly, sovereign of the Low Countries, or general arbitress of the rights and liberties of Europe. If France is really desirous of maintaining friendship and peace 1 Ann. Reg. with England, let her renounce her views of aggression 178; and and aggrandisement, and confine herself within her own. pers, No. 1. territory, without insulting other governments, disturbing their tranquillity, or violating their rights." 1 xxxiv. 168, State Pa 122. the French envoy on that of France. To this it was replied by the French envoy-" The Answer of design of the Convention has never been to engage itself to make the cause of some foreign individuals the cause of the whole French nation but when a people, enslaved by a despot, shall have had the courage to break its chains; when this people, restored to liberty, shall be constituted in a manner to make clearly heard the expression of the general will; when that general will shall call for the assistance and fraternity of the French by Le Brun, nation, it is then that the decree of the 19th will find its Ann. Reg. 2 Memorial xxxiv. 174. natural application; and this cannot appear strange to The intentions of Great Britain at this period, in IX. 123. Britain at Dec. 29. regard to France, and the line of conduct which, in conjunction with her allies, she had chalked out for herself before the war was hurried on by the execution of the 1792. King, cannot be better illustrated than by reference to an Real views official despatch from Lord Grenville to the British of Great ambassador at St Petersburg, on the subject of the pro- this period. posed confederation against the French Republic. From this important document it appears that England laid it down as the basis of the alliance, that the French should be left entirely at liberty to arrange their government and internal concerns for themselves; and that the efforts of the Allies should be limited to preventing their inter-Parl. Hist. ference with other states, or extending their conquests or 1314. propagandism beyond their own frontier.1* xxxiv.1313, clared by Feb. 3, But though these were the views of the English cabinet, 124. very different ideas prevailed with the rulers of French War deaffairs. The determination of the French government France." to spread their principles of revolution in England, was 1793. strongly manifested in a circular letter, addressed by Monge, the minister of marine, to the inhabitants of the French seaports, on 31st December 1792, more than a month before the declaration of war. "The King and English parliament," said he, "wish to make war upon us; but will the English republicans suffer it? Already these freemen testify the repugnance which they feel at * In this important state paper, Lord Grenville observes" The two leading points on which such explanation will naturally turn are, the line of conduct to be persued previous to the commencement of hostilities, with a view, if possible, to avert them: and the nature and amount of the forces which the powers engaged in this concert might be enabled to use, supposing such extremities unavoidable. With respect to the first, it appears on the whole-subject, however, to future consideration and discussion with the other powers--that the most advisable step to be taken would be, that sufficient explanation should be had with the powers at war with France, in order to enable those not hitherto engaged in the war to propose to that country terms of peace. That these terms should be the withdrawing their arms within the limits of the French territory, the abandoning their conquests, the rescinding any acts injurious to the sovereignty or rights of any other nation, and the giving, in some unequivocal manner, a pledge of their intention no longer to foment troubles or to excite disturbances against other governments. In return for these stipulations, the different powers of Europe, who should be parties to this measure, might engage IX. 1793. CHAP. bearing arms against their brethren the French. We will fly to their assistance, we will make a descent in that island, we will hurl thither fifty thousand caps of liberty, we will plant among them the sacred tree, and hold out our arms to our republican brethren. The tyranny of their government shall soon be destroyed." When such was the language used by the French ministers towards a people with whom they were still at peace, the maintenance of any terms of accommodation was obviously out of the question, the more especially when such sentiments met with a responsive voice from a numerous, active, and clamorous party on this side of the Channel. After some time spent in the correspondence, matters were brought to a crisis by the execution of Louis, which took place on 21st January 1793. As these was now no longer even the shadow of a government in the French capital, with whom to maintain a diplomatic intercourse, M. Chauvelin received notice to leave the British dominions within eight days-with a notification, however, that the English government would still listen to terms of accommodation : 1 Ann. Reg. and on 3d February, the French Convention, on the 199. report of Brissot, unanimously declared war against Great Britain.1 xxxiv. 179, Such is a detailed account of the causes that led to this great and universal war, which speedily embraced all the quarters of the globe, continued, with short interrup to abandon all measures or views of hostility against France, or interference in its internal affairs, and to maintain a correspondence and intercourse of amity with the existing powers in that country with whom such a treaty may be concluded. If, on the result of this proposal, so made by the powers acting in concert, these terms should not be accepted by France, or, being accepted, should not be satisfactorily performed, the different powers might then engage themselves to each other to enter into active measures for the purpose of obtaining the ends in view; and it may be considered whether in such case they might not reasonably look for some indemnity for the expenses and hazards to which they would necessarily be exposed." Such were the principles on which England was willing to have effected a general pacification in Europe; and it will appear in the sequel that these principles, and no others, were constantly maintained by her through the whole contest; and in particular, that the restoration of the Bourbons was never made or proposed as a condition of its termination.— See Parl. Hist. xxxiv. 1313, 1314. IX. 1793. 125. on this event. tions, for more than twenty years, led to the occupation CHAP. of almost all the capitals in continental Europe by foreign armies, and finally brought the Cossacks and the Tartars to the French metropolis. We shall search in vain in Reflections any former age of the world for a contest conducted on so gigantic a scale, or with such general exasperation—in which such extraordinary exertions were made by governments, or such universal enthusiasm was manifested by their subjects. Almost all European history fades into insignificance, when compared to the wars which sprang out of the French Revolution; the conquests of Marlborough or Turenne are lifeless when placed beside the campaigns of Napoleon. "Tot bella per orbem, Tam multæ scelerum facies; non ullus aratro Arma ferunt: sævit toto Mars impius orbe." Georgics, i. 505. On coolly reviewing the events which led to the rupture, it cannot be said that any of the European powers were to blame in provoking it. The French government, even if they had possessed the inclination, had not the power to control their subjects, or prevent that communication with the discontented in other states which justly excited such alarm in their governments. The Austrian and Prussian monarchies had good cause to complain of the infringement of the Treaty of Westphalia, by the violent dispossessing of the nobles and clergy in Alsace, and justly apprehended the utmost danger to themselves, from the doctrines which were disseminated in their dominions by the French emissaries. Though last to abandon their system of neutrality, the English were ultimately drawn into the contest by the alarming principles of foreign interference, which the Jacobins avowed after the 10th August, and the imminent danger in which Holland was placed, by |