852 • Page 781 of. modo reason. 2. Haec stands for animum vincere, &c. = = somehow. - 4. Et os = and look; i. e. as expressive "Patricius proposed 'eos' (= tales, of the emotions of the mind. such) in place of et os, and Faërnus and Abrami did the same, perhaps independently; Patricius asks what os can mean after he has said praesentem; and the question is pertinent. There is no connection between os and what follows, but there is a connection between mentem sensusque eos and what follows." Long. Et os is defended by Ernesti, Wolf, and Spaling, and, it seems to me, with Cicero's meaning is, that Caesar's desire to preserve so much of the republic as had escaped the fortunes of war was depicted on his countenance, and that his belief of the existence of this desire was a result of what he saw (cernimus) in his face. ille vir mazimae Translate ut so that. 5. Illa auctoritas auctoritatis. The abstract for the concrete. Johnson. Cousin of M. Marcellus. See InCH. IV. 1. C. Marcelli. trod. - 2. Ad paucos. M. Marcellus, C. Marcellus, his cousin, and M. Marcellus, son of the latter, were the only surviving mem- 3. Gratula782 bers, so far as is known, of the Marcellus family. tionibus = supplicationes, days of rejoicing, thanksgivings. See - 4. Idem at the same time. Table of Caesar's Life. nulla. A good deal has been written on this passage. Baiter must have misunderstood the sense when he omitted nulla. Klotz "This is so maintains nulla, and explains it correctly. Cicero says, great that no time will destroy thy trophies and memorials; for there is no work of man's hands which age will not destroy, — but this act Undoubtedly of thy justice and mercy will daily flourish more.” the writer meant to say this, but whether he has said it well is another matter. The whole chapter is a poor piece of rhetoric. Klotz preremisisti. fers the reading florescit. Long. — 6. Quum The idea is best expressed by in with a participle: in giving up, &c. 7. Ea.... erat adepta; i. e. the power and means of punishment. -- 5. Ut CH. V. 1. Fato nescio quo by some fate or other. V. Epp. Cic. III. n. 35. 2. Tenemur we are subject to, liable to. 3. Scelere certe = from crime at least; i. e. intentional wrong. – 4. Videtis, non. Following Baiter, I have put a comma after videtis instead of a period, the usual punctuation: thus making the apodosis of the sentence begin with non. Pacis et togae. Two words having substantially the same meaning are often used to express the thought with emphasis. So 5. belli atque armorum below. 6. Socia = Page in favor of war. A. & S. 7 213; H. 399. 7. Hominem. The man emphatically: Pomfrom a sense of private duty. pey. 8. Privato officio 9. 10. Integra re before 783 the war broke out. H. 431. A. & S. 257, R. 7, (a). — 11. Statim; i. e. immediately upon their application. Sc. vero or autem. CH. VI. 1. Hujus — rei; i. e. his desire for peace. Certorum quorundam. L. Lentulus, L. Domitius Aenobarbus, &c. 3. Alterius vero partis: sc. Pompeianae. Partis limits victoriam, being placed at the beginning for the sake of emphasis. - 4. Otiosis the neutral. = have referred. 6. Bono entiae. - 7. Commodata with some show of (regard for) the commonweal. 66 CH. VII. 1. Atrocissimam. A suspicio is only atrox, because of the matter to which the suspicio refers. He means suspicion of a most abominable crime." Patricius asks if we can say providere suspicionem. Providenda seems to refer by implication to the matter about which the suspicion exists. nec. A. & S. 277, R. 5, (a). — 3. Unius. all those things which have already fallen to decay and perished (i. e. have become useless) must be secured by rigorous laws. Bullions. 3. Non fuit recusandum It must not be denied. - 4. Sapientissimam philosophic, referring to the philosophy of the stoics. So doctorum hominum - prudentiam and esse sapiens below. 5. Audirem 785 actus this act; i. e. of the drama of 786 of an imperishable name. agreeing with aeternitas, but logically referring to the general idea expressed by the words memoria, posteritas and aeternitas. To refer huic to vita, as some have done, is, in my view, to make nonsense of the passage. 5. Inservias. H. 496, 1. A. & S. 262, R. 4. spectacula, ludi. These were considered as gifts 7. Tuos. The unusual position of this word in Page = 12. Ad te = 786 dicates emphasis. - 8. Requirent = will seek in vain for. - 9. Ut illud - videatur so that the former may seem; i. e. and the consequence will be that the former will seem to have been the work of fate. - 10. Haud. . . . incorruptius perhaps more justly. Haud scio an, like nescio an (V. in Cat. IV. 5, n. 3), denotes uncertainty, but with an inclination towards an affirmative. - 11. Cupiditate passion, party zeal. non pertinebit. These words (lit. will not extend to you) contain by implication the assertion of the mortality of the whole man. Long. CH. X. 1. Diversae distractae: different = opposite. 787 2. Obscuritas. The obscuritas is the difficulty of knowing what to do, because there were two great chiefs opposed to one another. Long. 3. Vicit.... inflammaret. This form of the subjunctive requires a careful handling. The predicate is vicit. The expression may be an abbreviation of the form is qui vicit non ejusmodi est qui.... inflammaret, but it is said more emphatically in the form vicit is, &c.: the conqueror is not a man to let his hatred be inflamed by success, but to mollify it by his natural goodness of disposition. Long. 4. Ab aliis ab aliis - by some; i. e. voluntarily from others; i. e. who continued to hold out against Caesar after the battle of Pharsalia. - 5. Nisi te salvo et = manente. K. 100, R. 4. A. & S. 257, R. 10; 274, R. 5, (c). — 6. Haec salva. Haec is everything, all that we possess. It is a common use of haec. Long. = - - - = CH. XI. 1. Sed ut, &c. He returns to the subject, which has been interrupted by chapters 7-10. Gratias agere, lit. to act thanks, means to express or return thanks: while gratias habere, lit. to have 2. Stantithanks or gratitude, means to be or to feel thankful. bus. Senators stood when they spoke. A mere assent to another's views might be made sitting. - 3. A.... volunt by me at least they wish the speaking to be done. 4. Et . . . . intelligo and I understand that this is done (i. e. the selection of me to make the speech of thanks), because it is fitting that it should be done, since it is M. Marcellus who has been restored, &c.; i. e. the reason assigned by Cicero for their wishing him to make the speech is not his superior eloquence, but his more intimate connection with Marcellus. 5. Quod . . . . debeo (lit.) Moreover, what is a mark of the highest friendship (which [friendship] of mine towards him has always been known to all, so that scarcely to C. Marcellus, (his) most excellent and affectionate cousin did I yield, besides him indeed to no one), since this (i. e. quod summae benevolentiae est) by = Page solicitude, anxiety, (and) effort I have shown, so long as there was 787 doubt respecting his safety, assuredly at this time, having been freed from great anxieties, troubles, and sorrows, I ought to show (it). I have chosen to translate this intricate passage literally, retaining the order of the text, because the idea and force of the original are in this way, it seems to me, most clearly presented. 6. Tamen. 788 The correlative idea is expressed by the clause me... conservato. ORATIO PRO Q. LIGARIO. INTRODUCTION. Q. LIGARIUS was the legatus of C. Considius, the governor of 789 Africa, before the commencement of the civil war. Considius quitted Africa at the close of B. C. 50, or the beginning of the following year, leaving Q. Ligarius in charge of the province (c. 1). When the war began by Caesar crossing the Rubicon with his troops, the Pompeian party, which was strong in Africa, pressed Ligarius to put himself at their head; but he refused (c. 1). In the mean time P. Attius Varus, a former governor of Africa, who had fled to that province after being deserted by his troops at Auximum in Picenum, gladly accepted the proposals of the Provinciales of Africa, raised two legions there, and assumed the command. L. Aelius Tubero was now sent with authority from the senate to take possession of the government of Africa, but when he appeared before the harbor of Utica with his ships, Varus would not allow him to enter the town, nor even to land his son Quintus Tubero, who was sick, nor to take in water. Pomponius says that Q. Ligarius, who had the care of the sea-coast of the province, executed Varus' orders. The father and son went to join Pompeius in Macedonia (c. 9), and after his defeat they submitted to Caesar and were pardoned. Q. Ligarius stayed in Africa, where the party of Pompeius after his death made an obstinate resistance. After the battle of Thapsus, B. C. 46, in which the Pompeians of Africa were defeated, Ligarius was taken prisoner by Caesar. His life was spared, but he was banished. His friends at Rome exerted themselves to procure his pardon, but were unable to succeed at first, notwithstanding the intercession of his brothers, of his uncle, T. Brocchus, and of Cicero Page 789 himself, who had an audience with the dictator on the 23d of September, B. C. 46, for the purpose. Though Caesar did not expressly pardon Ligarius on this occasion, Cicero conjectured that he was well inclined to do it. Meantime, a public accusation was brought against Ligarius by Q. Aelius Tubero, the son of L. Tubero, whom Ligarins had united with Varus in preventing from landing in Africa. He was accused on account of his conduct in Africa, and his connection with the enemies of the dictator. The case was pleaded before Caesar himself in the forum. Cicero defended Ligarius in the following speech, which was delivered in B. C. 46, and before Caesar set out to Spain on his last campaign. Ligarius was pardoned, and like many others he repaid Caesar's generosity by becoming one of his assassins. It was Caesar's fortune to get the victory over all his enemies, and to perish by the hands of those whom he thought that he had made his friends. Ligarius himself got his deserts; for Appian speaks of two brothers of the name of Ligarius, who perished in the proscription of the triumvirs in B. C. 43, and in the following chapter he mentions a third Ligarius, who met with the same fate. Now, as Cicero expressly mentions three brothers of this name (Pro Lig. 12), Q. Ligarius must have been one of those who were put to death on this occasion. This speech was circulated in writing by the copies which Atticus's Librarii made of it, and was much admired. It is in its kind a perfect composition. CH. I. 1. Novum crimen. Strongly ironical; and the irony continues throughout the oration, whenever Tubero is spoken of. — 2. Propinquus. What the relationship was is uncertain; but it has been conjectured, from a statement of the Scholiast on this oration, that L. Tubero, the father of Q. Tubero, married Cicero's first cousin. 3. Pansa. C. Vibius Pansa, consul .B. C. 43, with A. Hirtius. - 4. Abuterer to take advantage of. 5. Ut.... esset that this (ignoratione .... abuterer) was no longer in my power. 6. Conferenda est must be directed. = - 7. Parte; i. e. the Pompeian party. 8. Te, Patrem. H. 551, L 5. A. & S. 272, N. 3, (a). Africa as well as Ligarius. 10. Considius. When the civil war broke out in B. C. 49, Considius espoused Pompey's party, and returned to Africa, where he engaged in the war. Soon after the battle of Thapsus (B. C. 46) he was murdered by the Gaetulians. 11. Sociis; i. e. the Provinciales. Considius made Ligarius the 9. Vestro delicto. You were in |