equites Romanos, qui adsunt veste mutata, non solum notos tibi, verum etiam probatos viros? Tecum fuerunt. Atque his irascebamur, hos requirebamus, his nonnulli etiam minabantur. Conserva igitur tuis suos: ut, quemadmodum cetera, quae dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissimum reperiatur.1

12. Quodsi penitus perspicere posses concordiam2 Ligariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. An potest quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse potuisset, in eadem sententia fuisset futurus, in qua fratres fuerunt? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et paene conflatum in hac prope aequalitate fraterna non noverit ? qui hoc non sentiat, quidvis prius futurum fuisse, quam ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque sequerentur? Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt: tempestate abreptus est unus; qui si consilio3 id fecisset, esset eorum similis, quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. Sed ierit ad bellum, discesserit non a te solum, verum etiam a fratribus, hi te orant tui. Equidem, cum tuis omnibus negotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis tum T. Ligarius quaestor urbanus fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed parum est me hoc meminisse spero etiam te, qui oblivisci nihil soles nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi, quoniam etiam ingenii tui, te aliquid de hujus illo quaestorio officio,7 etiam de aliis quibusdam quaestoribus reminiscentem recordari. Hic igitur T. Ligarius, qui tum nihil egit aliud (neque enim haec divinabat),9 ,9 nisi ut tu eum tui studiosum et bonum virum judicares, nunc a te supplex fratris salutem petit. Quam hujus10 admonitus officio cum utrisque his dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerrimos non solum sibi ipsis neque his tot ac

1 Namely, tuos esse, qui contra te non essent.

2 Concordia, brotherly affection,' 'unanimity in their sentiments.' 3 Consilio, purposely," "intentionally.'

4 Ierit; that is, etiamsi ierit.

5 T. Ligarius was quaestor urbanus in B. c. 56, when Caesar was in Gaul.

6 A flattery; Caesar is said to have known the names of all his soldiers.

7 Ligarius paid to Caesar the donation for his army sanctioned by the senate, and he did so without delay, although the treasury was greatly exhausted.

8 Namely, who had been less obliging.

9 Namely, the misfortune of his brother, Q. Ligarius.

10 Hujus refers to T. Ligarius.

244

CICERONIS ORATIO PRO Q. LIGARIO.

talibus viris neque nobis necessariis, sed etiam rei publicae condonaveris. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo1 fecisti nuper in curia, nunc idem in foro de optimis et huic omni frequentiae2 probatissimis fratribus. Ut concessisti illum senatui, sic da hunc populo, cujus voluntatem carissimam semper habuisti: et, si ille dies3 tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus fuit; noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi gloriae laudem quam saepissime quaerere. Nihil est tam populare quam bonitas; nulla de virtutibus tuis plurimis nec admirabilior nec gratior misericordia est; homines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt quam salutem hominibus dando. Nihil habet nec fortuna tua majus, quam ut possis, nec natura melius, quam ut velis servare quam plurimos. Longiorem orationem causa forsitan postulat, tua certe natura breviorem. Quare, cum utilius esse arbitrer te ipsum quam me aut quemquam loqui tecum, finem jam faciam: tantum te admonebo, si illi absenti salutem dederis, praesentibus his omnibus te daturum.

1 That is, M. Marcellus; who, when consul in B. C. 49, had maintained that Caesar ought to come to Rome without his army to sue for the consulship. Caesar afterwards pardoned him.

2 "To all this numerous assembly.'

3 Namely, on which you pardoned Marcellus.

PRO REGE DEIOTARO AD C. CAESAREM ORATIO.

DEIOTARUS, tetrarch—that is, one of the four princes of Galatia, a country of Asia Minor, between Cappadocia, Phrygia, Bithynia, and Paphlagonia, was a friend of Pompey, and rendered important services to the Romans in their wars in Asia. Pompey rewarded him by giving him Lesser Armenia; and the Roman senate, through the mediation of Pompey, granted him the title of king in B.C. 65. In consequence of these things, he was a warm supporter of Pompey and his party (which he believed to be not only the most powerful, but identified in its cause with that of the senate), when the war between Caesar and Pompey broke out. After the unfortunate issue of the battle of Pharsalus in B.C. 48, he gave up the cause of the Pompeians, and endeavoured by all means again to win the favour of Caesar, which he had enjoyed before the war. He accordingly offered money and troops to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, who had the command in Asia, while Caesar himself was still engaged in the African war, B. C. 47. Meantime Deiotarus himself had to carry on a war; for Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, and king of Bosporus, had taken from him Lesser Armenia. But the war which Deiotarus undertook against the invader, with the assistance of the same Cn. Domitius, turned out unfavourably, and Deiotarus lost almost his whole army. Caesar had by this time brought the Alexandrine War to a successful issue; he went to Asia Minor to attack Pharnaces, who had encroached upon Roman territory, and injured Roman allies. Deiotarus went out to meet the victorious imperator in an humble manner, and sued for mercy. Caesar pardoned him, and allowed him his kingly title; but did not restore to him his former possession, giving the eastern part, the tetrarchy of the Trocmi, to Mithridates of Pergamus, whom he had appointed king of Bosporus; and Lesser Armenia, the gift of Pompey, was assigned to Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia, who was likewise a faithful ally of Rome. Deiotarus, who had hospitably received Caesar, and had accompanied him against their common enemy Pharnaces, had not expected this treatment; and after Caesar had quitted Asia, the king appears to have somehow or other expressed his dissatisfaction (see chap. 3). But this does not seem to have been the ground of the accusation which was raised against him two years later; for his grandson Castor charged him with having made an attempt on the life of Caesar, at the time when the latter stayed with him for three

days; and Castor brought with him Phidippus, the king's physician, to bear witness to his charge. As to what induced Castor to bring forward this serious accusation Cicero is altogether silent; but from other passages, which were written after Caesar's death, we may conjecture that family disputes, and especially the cruelty of Deiotarus, provoked his grandson to bring this charge against him. Cicero, who had formed a friendship with Deiotarus at the time when he was governor of Cilicia, undertook his defence; and in B.C. 45 he delivered the present oration in the house of Caesar, in presence of the ambassadors of Deiotarus (see chap. 15) and of the accusers. Afterwards he wrote down the speech, and sent it to his friend. He endeavours to set forth the unprecedented and incredible nature of the charge, especially by identifying the impracticability of such a plan with its non-execution. In enumerating the great services rendered by Deiotarus to Pompey, Caesar, and the Roman state (chap. 3-5), he describes him as a very venerable old man, of a very excellent character, who could not possibly have been capable of such an act; which, moreover, would have been planned in an extremely stupid manner, if it had been devised in the way stated by the accuser. He charges the accusers with extreme impudence and falsehood, and in conclusion appeals to the mercy of Caesar.

We are not distinctly informed what the result of this defence was, but we have reason to believe that Caesar did not press the matter any further. Deiotarus remained in possession of his tetrarchy, but did not recover Lesser Armenia in the lifetime of Caesar, who, as Cicero (Phil. ii. 37) says, always hated Deiotarus. After the murder of Caesar, however, Deiotarus recovered his possession, and took cruel vengeance on the parents of Castor, whom he ordered to be murdered. Castor himself escaped, and after the death of Deiotarus, obtained possession of a part of Galatia.

This speech is not so energetic and impressive as that for Ligarius, to which it bears some resemblance in the treatment of the subject. Cicero himself, in one of his letters, does not speak very favourably of it, and describes it as lightly dashed off, and without any great depth, probably because he was obliged to pass over many things in silence.

CUM in omnibus causis gravioribus,1 C. Caesar, initio dicendi commoveri soleam vehementius, quam videatur vel usus2 vel aetas3 mea postulare, tum in hac causa ita me multa

1 Namely, cases in which the honour or the life of an accused was at stake.

2 The long habit of, or the practice in, speaking.

3 Cicero, who delivered this speech in B. C. 45, was then in his sixtysecond year.

perturbant, ut, quantum mea fides1 studii mihi afferat ad salutem regis Deiotari defendendam, tantum facultatis timor detrahat. Primum dico pro capite fortunisque regis; quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est in tuo dumtaxat periculo,2 tamen est ita inusitatum,3 regem reum capitis esse, ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum. Deinde eum regem, quem ornare antea cuncto cum senatu solebamus pro perpetuis ejus in nostram rem publicam meritis,5 nunc contra atrocissimum crimen cogor defendere. Accedit, ut accusatorum alterius crudelitate, alterius indignitate conturber. Crudelis Castor, ne dicam sceleratum et impium; qui nepos avum in capitis discrimen adduxerit adolescentiaeque suae terrorem intulerit ei, cujus senectutem tueri et tegere debebat, commendationemque ineuntis aetatis ab impietate et scelere duxerit; avi servum,& corruptum praemiis, ad accusandum dominum impulerit, a legatorum pedibus9 abduxerit. Fugitivi1o autem dominum accusantis, et dominum absentem et dominum amicissimum nostrae rei publicae, cum os videbam, cum verba audiebam, non tam afflictam regiam condicionem dolebam, quam de fortunis communibus extimescebam. Nam cum more majorum de servo in dominum ne tormentis quidem quaeri 12 liceat, in qua

1'My promise' given to Deiotarus.

2 Because Deiotarus was charged with having attempted the life of Caesar.

3 Because the person of a king was considered inviolable.

4 Ornare,' to honour' or 'reward.' Deiotarus had not only received from the senate expressions of gratitude, and the title of king, but his dominion also had been extended.

5 He had supported the Roman generals in the war against Mithridates, and Cicero himself in his expedition against the Cilician mountaineers.

6 The first alterius refers to Castor, and the second to the slave Phidippus.

7 A daughter of Deiotarus had married Saocondarius, and Castor was their son.

8 Phidippus, like almost all the physicians of that time, was a slave.

9 The place for slaves was at the feet of their masters; hence: 'he has withdrawn him from the feet of the ambassadors,' is equivalent to: he has withdrawn him from their service.'

10 Fugitivus here is equivalent to servus.

11 That is, the common fate of all those who keep slaves, and are at the mercy of their faithlessness.

12 De servo quaeri, the same as e servo quaeri, to question a slave, for the purpose of drawing from him evidence against his master.'