iracundiae denegavisti.1 Multa sunt tuae clementiae monumenta, sed maxime eorum incolumitates, quibus salutem dedisti. Quae si in privatis gloriosa sunt, multo magis commemorabuntur in regibus. Semper regium nomen in hac civitate sanctum fuit; sociorum vero regum et amicorum sanctissimum.

2

15. Quod nomen hi reges ne amitterent, te victore timuerunt; retentum vero et a te confirmatum posteris etiam suis tradituros esse confido. Corpora sua pro salute regum suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras et Blesamius et Antigonus, tibi nobisque omnibus jam diu noti, eademque fide et virtute praeditus Dorylaus, qui nuper cum Hiera legatus est ad te missus, cum regum amicissimi, tum tibi etiam, ut spero, probati. Exquire de Blesamio, numquid ad regem contra dignitatem tuam scripserit. Hieras quidem causam omnem suscipit et criminibus illis pro rege se supponit reum; memoriam tuam implorat, qua vales plurimum; negat unquam se a te in Deiotari tetrarchia pedem discessisse; in primis finibus tibi se praesto fuisse dicit, usque ad ultimos prosecutum ; cum e balneo exisses, tecum se fuisse, cum illa munera inspexisses coenatus, cum in cubiculo recubuisses; eandemque assiduitatem tibi se praebuisse postridie. Quamobrem si quid eorum, quae objecta sunt, cogitatum sit,3 non recusat, quin id suum facinus judices. Quocirca, C. Caesar, velim existimes, hodierno die sententiam tuam aut cum summo dedecore miserrimam pestem importaturam esse regibus, aut incolumem famam cum salute: quorum alterum optare illorum crudelitatis est, alterum conservare clementiae tuae.

1 Namely, when Blesamius at Tarraco solicited Caesar to pardon Deiotarus: You will now show mercy, since before you did not give way to anger.'

2 Dorylaus can only be one of the ambassadors of Deiotarus, who was present also on this occasion. Amicissimi, therefore, is the nominative. Other commentators believe him to be the ambassador of some neighbouring king, perhaps of Ariobarzanes of Cappadocia, and take amicissimi and probati as genitives depending on legatus. In this case it would be necessary to supply rei publicae to amicissimi.

3

Namely, against the life of Caesar.

4 Suum; that is, Hierae.

5 Illorum; that is, of Castor and Phidippus.

IN M. ANTONIUM ORATIO PHILIPPICA I.

THE murder of C. Julius Caesar, on the ides of March, B. C. 44, was a misfortune for the Roman republic; for it was not the beginning of peace, nor a restoration of the old republican constitution, but rather the signal for the outbreak of a war between the parties, which Caesar's greatness and superiority had until then kept down. Cicero himself and the noblest Romans, the genuine aristocrats and sincere friends of the good old times, became the victims of the internecine struggles which now ensued, and which could end only in the establishment of that form of government of which Caesar had laid the foundation. During the period which followed his murder, when all parties were at a loss to know what to do, and how to act, two men came forward against each other, the one possessed of an unflinching patriotism and the most brilliant talent as an orator, and the other trusting to the power of the populace-violent, reckless, and unscrupulous about his means. These men were Cicero and M. Antony. Being slighted by Caesar, Cicero, during the most dazzling period of the dictator's career, had not taken any direct part in public affairs, but confined himself to the exercise of his oratorical powers; and his orations for Ligarius and King Deiotarus show that he well knew the respect due to the brilliant qualities of his political adversary. He did not, however, hesitate to express his joy at the murder of Caesar, and he was, in fact, the first who went to the murderers in the Capitol; and at the meeting of the senate on the 17th of March, he urgently recommended a general amnesty. Soon he discovered in Antony the desire to follow in the footsteps of Caesar. Antony, who was consul of the year with P. Cornelius Dolabella, endeavoured, above all things, to obtain Cisalpine Gaul as his province, whence he hoped, like Caesar, to pave his way to the sovereignty. Cicero's exertions to unite those who held the same views as he, against Antony, succeeded but imperfectly. His friends were numerous, but timid, and young Octavianus had not yet taken any decided steps. Cicero, moreover, felt that he ought not to act in too hostile a manner against the consul, and under these circumstances he preferred to wait till the next year, and to leave Rome, until the new consuls should enter upon their office. His intention to go to Athens, however, was thwarted by contrary winds. At the same time he was informed that Antony was beginning to show more moderation, that he himself was blamed for his withdrawal,

and that his return was greatly wished for. Cicero accordingly went back to Rome on the 31st of August.

On the following day there was a meeting of the senate. Antony, in order completely to win over the veterans of Caesar, intended to make a proposal to add to the supplications one day in honour of Caesar, and on that day to offer sacrifices to him as to a god. He thereby hoped to discover who were Caesar's and his friends, and who were not; those not appearing being at once regarded as his enemies. Cicero did not make his appearance, declaring that he was too fatigued from his journey, and unwell. Antony was so enraged at this, that, before the assembled senate, he demanded that Cicero's house should be pulled down; and it was not without difficulty that he was induced to confine himself to exact the lawful fine for Cicero's non-appearance in the senate. The supplication for Caesar was passed. On the day following, the 2d of September, Cicero appeared in the senate. Matters had now come to an open rupture between him and Antony. The latter was absent; he could not foresee Cicero's appearance, any more than Cicero could foresee Antony's absence. Cicero then delivered the present oration, the first of the fourteen Philippics, all of which were directed against Antony, but derive their name from the speeches of Demosthenes against Philip, king of Macedonia. This name they deserve; for they are equal to them in fire and animation, and especially in the hatred of the person against whom they are delivered.

In the first part of the speech Cicero explains the motives for his journey to Athens, and the cause of his speedy return (chap. 1 to 4). He then praises the speech of L. Piso, delivered on the 1st of August, against the innovations of Antony, severely censuring the insult offered to him by Antony on the preceding day, and openly avowing that he would have voted against the supplication (chap. 4 to 7). He praises the system of the administration which had been followed ever since the death of Caesar until the 1st of June; because, until then, Antony had committed no arbitrary act, but had done everything with the concurrence of the senate. He then comes to the decree of the senate, by which all the regulations of Caesar (acta Caesaris) had been confirmed. He himself approves of it, but cautions the senate against any further acts and ordinances of Antony; he endeavours to represent them as fabrications, and partially as annihilations of the real acta Caesaris, and to point out the dangerous and illegal nature of the new ordinances which had been passed by assemblies of the people, and not by the senate. Caesar, e. g., had fixed the administration of the consular provinces at two years; whereas, in the law brought forward by Antony, the period was increased to six years; Caesar had abolished the third decury of the judices, which had been elected from among the people; whereas, according to the new law of Antony, it was restored, and that even without any census, in order to win over its dependent members. Of the same kind was the measure granting an appeal

to the people, when persons were condemned for having used violence (de vi), or for high treason (de majestate), for Antony evidently wanted thereby to win the favour of the populace (chap. 7 to 11). Cicero is willing to allow even these laws to stand, if a stop were but put to further new arrangements, which could not possibly be based upon the regulations left in writing by Caesar. He further requests that Antony, if he was angry with him for his frank and unreserved discussion of the acta Caesaris, should at least treat him as a citizen, and abstain from using violence. In conclusion, he exhorts the consuls, especially Antony, to serve the interests of the state, and not their own, and to seek true glory by submitting to the laws of their country, and not in the destruction and ruin of the republic.

ANTEQUAM de re publica, Patres conscripti, dicam ea, quae dicenda hoc tempore arbitror, exponam vobis breviter consilium et profectionis et reversionis meae. Ego cum sperarem aliquando2 ad vestrum consilium3 auctoritatemque rem publicam esse revocatam, manendum mihi statuebam quasi in vigilia quadam consulari ac senatoria. Nec vero usquam discedebam nec a re publica dejiciebam oculos ex eo die, quo in aedem Telluris convocati sumus.6 In quo templo, quantum in me fuit, jeci fundamenta pacis Atheniensiumque renovavi vetus exemplum; Graecum etiam verbum usurpavi,7 quo tum in sedandis discordiis usa erat civitas illa, atque omnem memoriam discordiarum oblivione sempiterna delendam censui. Praeclara tum oratio M. Antonii; egregia etiam voluntas; pax denique per eum

1 Reversio is the return from a journey before the traveller has reached its end,' while reditus denotes the return from a journey after the traveller has reached his destination.

2 Namely, immediately after the ides of March, the day on which Caesar was murdered.

3 After Caesar's death, the senate was again at the head of the state. 4 These two words here have a double meaning, Cicero himself being both a vir consularis and senatorius.

5 That is, the 17th of March, xvi. kal. April; see Phil. ii. 35.

6 Namely, ab Antonio. On the third day after the murder of Caesar, Antony convoked the senate in the temple of Tellus (at the southern end of the Forum), which was near to his house, in order not to be obliged to go to the curia, which was near the Capitol; because he had there to dread the partisans of the conspirators.

7 Namely, the word αμνηστία or μὴ μνησικακήσειν, which we express by amnesty.' The word ȧuvnoría had been first used at Athens in B. C. 403, when, after the expulsion of the thirty tyrants, a general amnesty was proclaimed.

et per liberos1 ejus cum praestantissimis2 civibus confirmata est. Atque his principiis reliqua consentiebant. Ad deliberationes eas, quas habebat domi de re publica, principes civitatis adhibebat; ad hunc ordinem res optimas deferebat ;3 nihil tum, nisi quod erat notum omnibus, in C. Caesaris commentariis reperiebatur; summa constantia ad ea, quae quaesita erant, respondebat. Num qui exules restituti? Unum5 aiebat, praeterea neminem. Num immunitates 6 datae? Nullae, respondebat. Assentiri etiam nos Ser. Sulpicio,7 clarissimo viro, voluit, ne qua tabula post Idus Martias ullius decreti Caesaris aut beneficii figeretur.8 Multa praetereo, eaque praeclara; ad singulare enim M. Antonii factum festinat oratio. Dictaturam, quae jam vim regiae potestatis obsederat,9 funditus ex re publica sustulit. De qua ne sententias quidem diximus; scriptum senatus consultum, quod fieri vellet, attulit; quo recitato, auctoritatem ejus summo studio secuti sumus eique amplissimis verbis per senatus consultum gratias egimus.

2. Lux quaedam videbatur oblata, non modo regno, quod pertuleramus, sed etiam regni timore sublato; magnumque pignus ab eo10 rei publicae datum se liberam civitatem esse

1 Antony sent his son to the Capitol as a hostage, to insure the murderers that they might come down without any fear of danger. See below, chap. 13.

2 Cicero applies this epithet to the murderers, because he was an enemy of Caesar and of tyranny in general.

3 Deferebat, stronger than referebat; for he not only reported, but transferred and intrusted.

4 In the will of Caesar,' or in his last regulations, which were raised to the authority of laws, or treated as laws by the will of, and by their publication by, Antony.

5 Namely, Sex. Clodius, whom Caesar recalled, as Cicero elsewhere remarks, at the request of Antony.

6 Such exemptions from taxes-as Athens, for example, was always enjoying-were injurious to the public treasury, and seem to have been granted by the rulers usually for the purpose of increasing their personal influence, and the number of their followers.

7 Ser. Sulpicius was consul in B. C. 51, and a celebrated lawyer. See page 260, note 1.

Especially to avoid the suspicion of forgery. New laws were exhibited to the public, engraved upon brass tables.

9 The regia potestas consisted chiefly in the long duration of the dictatorship, which, in the early times of the republic, was conferred only for a short period, and for definite purposes. Caesar had made it a permanent office. Obsederat, equivalent to occupaverat.

10 Ab eo; that is, ab Antonio. To datum supply videbatur.