Vidimus undantem ruptis fornacibus Aetnam, Audiit; insolitis tremuerunt motibus Alpes. 475 Et maestum inlacrimat templis ebur, aeraque sudant. 480 subversion of the republic. Cic. Phil. 4. 4 makes another use of them. Comp. also Hor. 1 Od. 2, who treats the prodigies in the same spirit as Virgil, apparently regarding them as penalties from heaven for the civil wars. The phenomena of that time were doubtless spread over a considerable period. Servius quotes from Livy a statement that before the death of Caesar there was an eruption of Aetna so tremendous as to be felt even at Rhegium. 472.] In agros,' on account of the motion implied in 'effervere.' 'Undantem' refers to the lava. Fornacibus' is suggested by Cyclopum.' 'Volvere' is the lava stream. 'Liquefacta saxa:' comp. A. 3. 576. The lava hardens into stone. With the language comp. Lucr. 6. 680-693. 474.] Germania,' i. e. the Roman garrisons on the Rhine. "The noise of battle hurtles in the air," Shaksp. Jul. C. 2. 2. Comp. Ov. M. 15. 783, “Arma ferunt nigras inter crepitantia nubes, Terribilisque tubas auditaque cornua caelo Praemonuisse nefas." 475.] The belief of the ancients that earthquakes took place in the Alps from time to time (Pliny 2. 80), is confirmed by modern experience, though Heyne suggests that avalanches may have been mistaken for them. Lucan I. c. has "veteremque iugis nutantibus Alpes Discussere nivem." 'Montibus,' the reading of Med. and Rom., though adopted by Wakefield, is an obvious error. 476.] "Eodem anno M. Caedicius de plebe nuntiavit tribunis, se in Nova via, ubi nunc sacellum est (sc. Aii Locutii) supra aedem Vestae, vocem noctis silentio audisse clariorem humana, quae magistrati bus dici iuberet Gallos adventare," Livy 5. 32. Comp. Juv. 11. 111. So the famous Cum stabulis armenta tulit. Nec tempore eodem 484.] No respite was there in those fearful days to the threatening filaments that overcast the entrails with sadness, or to the blood that welled from springs in the ground, or to the howling of wolves by night, echoing through our steep built towns.' 'Fibrae,' according to Varro, L. L. 5. 79, and Serv. on v. 120, A. 6. 599., 10. 176, are the extremities of the liver. Cels. 4. 11 says that the lungs are divided into two 'fibrae,' the liver into four. What the point to be observed with regard to them was does not appear. Cic. De Div. 1. 10 says "quid fissum in extis, quid fibra valeat, accipio," which would almost seem as if the existence of a 'fibra' at all was a phenomenon: but he may merely mean what good or evil can be prognosticated from the state of the 'fibra.' Ovid's language here is parallel to Cicero's: "magnosque instare tumultus Fibra monet, caesumque caput reperitur in extis," 1. c. Inauspicious appearances during sacrifice happened to Caesar himself, Suet. Jul. 81. Dion 1. c. speaks of a bull leaping up after sacrifice. 485.] To run from wells,' as if there were springs of blood. Ov. l. c. speaks of bloody rain. 486.] 'Resonare' depends on 'cessaverunt.' 'Altae' perhaps, as Wakefield says, may have reference to 'resonare,' the sound being increased by the height of the buildings; at any rate it seems to point to the position of the Italian cities, 2. 156. Wolves entering Rome are several times mentioned in Livy as portents. In Shakspeare there is a lion, but no wolf. 487.] Sereno' is the emphatic word. Thunder in a clear sky converted Horace. "Namque Diespiter Igni corusco nubila dividens Plerumque per purum tonantis Egit equos volucremque currum," 1 Od. 34. 5. Dion 1. c. speaks of lightning striking the temple of Victory, but not of a clear sky. 488.] Totiens arsere cometae :' Voss sug 485 490 gests that they were meteors. Dion says λαμπὰς ἀπ' ἀνίσχοντος ἡλίου πρὸς δυσμὰς διέδραμε, καί τις ἀστὴρ καινὸς ἐπὶ πολλὰς ἡμέρας ὤφθη. 489.] Ergo' the murder of Caesar led to a retribution on Rome, which was foreshadowed by all these portents. Paribus,' because they were Romans on both sides. "Pares aquilas et pila minantia pilis," Lucan 1. 7. 490.] It is not necessary to suppose that Virgil actually confounded the site of the two battles of Pharsalia and Philippi, as 'iterum' may very well gowith 'concurrere,' the sense being 'the issue of all was a second civil war.' But in the next lines he dwells on the fact that both were fought in the north of Greece with something less than geographical accuracy, extending Emathia, which was a name of Paeonia, afterwards of Macedonia, so as to cover Thessaly. Other writers were still less strict, probably, as Mr. Merivale (Hist. Rom. 3. 214) has suggested, mistaking Virgil, whom they imitated. M. 15. 824, "Emathiaque iterum madefient caede Philippi," may mean no more than Virgil does; but Manil. 1. 906 can hardly be referring to the two engagements which actually took place at Philippi with twenty. days' interval, and Lucan 1. 680 foll., 7, 854 foll., 9. 270, treats Emathia, Thessaly, and Haemus as poetically convertible terms, as does Juv. 8. 242, who makes Octavianus conquer in Thessaly. Ov. 491.] Nor did it seem too cruel in the eyes of the gods.' Comp. "Cui pulchrum fuit in medios dormire dies," Hor. 1 Ep. 2. 30, and for the absolute use of 'indignum ' with the ethical dative, "Sat fuit indignum, Caesar, mundoque tibique," Lucan 10. 102. 492.] Pinguescere:' comp. Hor. 2 Od. 1. 29, and Macleane's note. Plutarch says that Archilochus spoke of the plains as fattened by war-perhaps the earliest that Scilicet et tempus veniet, cum finibus illis Iam pridem nobis caeli te regia, Caesar, did so. Comp. also Aesch. Theb. 587, rhvde 493.] Yes, and the time will come when in those borders the husbandman, as with his crooked plough he upheaves the mass of earth, will find, devoured by a scurf of rust, Roman javelins, or strike his heavy rake on empty helms, and gaze astounded on the gigantic bones that start from their broken sepulchres.' The touch in agricola' is probably meant to recall the reader's mind to the real sub ject of the poem. In any case it is a sort 495.] Pila' is emphatic, as it was the characteristic Roman weapon. So Lucan 1. 7, "pares aquilas et pila minantia pilis." 'Scabra robigine,' Catull. 66 (68). 151. 496.] 'Inanis' is emphatic, as the hollowness would affect the sound, at the same time that it reminds us that the heads which wore the helmets have long since mouldered away. 495 500 arrayed against each other, and humanity is whirled on like a charioteer in a race mastered by his horses.' 498.] With this whole passage compare Horace's imitation, 1 Od. 2. Di patrii' are not the same as 'Indigetes,' as appears from Ovid's parallel to this passage, Met. 15. 861, "Di, precor, Aeneae comites, quibus ensis et ignis Cesserunt, dique Indigetes, genitorque Quirine," where the 'Di Aeneae comites' are the 'Di patrii,' as they include Vesta, while the Di Indigetes include Quirinus. 499.] Tuscum Tiberim :' it seems probable that the old connexion of Etruria with Rome may be in Virgil's mind here, as it obviously was in the Aeneid. 'Romana Palatia:' the Palatine was the hill of Romulus and his city. 500.]Hunc saltem:' as the gods had snatched away Caesar. 'Saeculum' answers exactly to the age.' In modern English perhaps we should say 'society.' 'Iuvenem :' comp. E. 1. 43 and Hor. 1 Od. 2. 41, "Sive mutata iuvenem figura Ales in terris imitaris almae Filius Maiae patiens vocari Caesaris ultor." 502.] Horace (3 Od. 3. 21) indulges in the same affectation of antiquarian superstition, a spirit to which it must be allowed that the Aeneid itself ministers. The line itself is nearly repeated A. 4. 541. 504.] Octavianus had probably not yet enjoyed his triple triumph, which was not celebrated till 725, though he had had more than one ovation; but Virgil speaks to him, as Forb. remarks, as if to live on earth were synonymous with to triumph. Yet there is something strange in the expression human triumphs,' unless we suppose the poet to intend some still more extravagant compliment. Perhaps the feeling may be that the human victor 506 510 Quippe ubi fas versum atque nefas: tot bella per orbem, Tam multae scelerum facies; non ullus aratro Dignus honos; squalent abductis arva colonis, Et curvae rigidum falces conflantur in ensem. Hinc movet Euphrates, illinc Germania bellum; Vicinae ruptis inter se legibus urbes Arma ferunt; saevit toto Mars impius orbe; Ut cum carceribus sese effudere quadrigae, Addunt in spatia, et frustra retinacula tendens Fertur equis auriga, neque audit currus habenas. was all but a god ("Res gerere et captos ostendere civibus hostes Attingit solium Iovis et caelestia tentat," Hor. 1 Ep. 17. 33), but that Caesar might rise higher. Horace treads closely in the steps of Virgil, "Hic magnos potius triumphos, Hic ames dici pater atque princeps" (1 Od. 2. 49). The concluding strophe of Mr. Tennyson's Ode on the Death of the Duke of Wellington may illustrate the difference of tone with which a Christian poet would speak of the translation of an earthly conqueror to higher triumphs.' 505.] 'Ubi'‘apud quos,' sc. ' homines.' 'Quippe' assigns the reason why heaven grudges Caesar to so thankless a sphere. 'Versum,' 'inverted,' not ' overturned.' Comp. Hor. Epod. 5. 87, 88, "Venena magnum fas nefasque non valent Convertere humanam vicem." 506.] Aratro' is probably the dative. "The plough has none of its due honour.' "Honos erit huic quoque pomo," E. 2. 53. But it might possibly be the abl. 'There is no honour that is worthy of the plough' = 'the plough is thought worthy of no honour.' The language is like A. 7. 635, "Vomeris huc et falcis honos, huc omnis aratri Cessit amor." Here and in the two following lines the subject of the Georgics is kept before the eye. 507.] Squalent,' are gone to weeds.' "Abductis,' taken away to serve as soldiers." Keightley. 508.] Curvae' and 'rigidum' seem to be opposed, and 'rigidum' seems to refer to the straight sword of the Romans. 509.] Euphrates,' the Parthians, against whom Antonius was commanding in 718. See Merivale, vol. iii. pp. 279 foll. The troubles in Germany are the same which led to Agrippa's expedition, mentioned in Introd. to E. 10. For the relation of these events to the date of this Book, see pp. 143, 144. 510.] Vicinae urbes,' alluding to the cities which took different parts in the civil war in Italy, especially in Etruria. Ruptis inter se legibus,' breaking the laws which bound them together. ' Legibus,' the laws of civil society. Forb. comp. A. 8. 540, "Poscant acies et foedera rumpant.” 511.] Arma ferunt,' are in arms,' A. 9. 133. Wakef. wished to read 'fremunt,' not seeing that great part of the emphasis is on v. 510. Impius' is emphatic, as most of the wars of the time were connected directly or indirectly with the civil conflict. 6 512.] Carceribus sese effudere :' the 'carceres' were a range of stalls at the end of the circus, with gates of open wood-work, which were opened simultaneously to allow the chariots to start. Dict. A. s. v. 'Circus.' 6 513.] The true reading of the opening words of this line is not certain. Addunt in spatia' seems to be the reading of Rom.; 'addunt se in spatia' of Pal.; 'addunt spatio' of Med.; an obviously faulty reading, but supported by two other good MSS. Heins. read 'addunt in spatio.' Wagn. suggests addunt se spatio.' 'Addunt in spatia' is confirmed by an evident imitation in Sil. 16. 372, “ Iamque fere medium evecti certamine campum In spatia addebant" (where, however, there is another reading spatio'), and certainly has the advantage of difficulty. If right, it is probably to be interpreted they throw themselves on to the course,' 'bound onward,' 'addunt' being used intransitively, orsese' supplied from the previous line (comp. A. 1. 439, "Infert se... miscetque viris"), so that the sense will be parallel to "Corripiunt spatia," A. 5. 316, used in a similar connexion of runners starting. With this use of 'addere in' comp. Ov. Am. 1. 7. 1," Adde manus in vincla meas." P. VERGILI MARONIS GEORGICON LIBER SECUNDUS. THE main subject of the Second Book is the culture of trees, especially of the vine. But there is no great regularity in the mode of treatment. Virgil opens with an enumeration of the different ways of propagating trees, natural and artificial, so as to give some notion of the magnitude of the theme; then shows how art can improve upon nature, and recurs again to the manifoldness of his subject, dwelling especially on the innumerable varieties of vines. Without much relevancy he talks of the trees which are indigenous to different countries, and is thence drawn off into an eulogy of Italy, which he does not fit with any practical application. The question of the aptitudes of various soils is treated far more widely than the subject of the book requires, embracing the choice of corn and pasture land, as well as of ground for planting vines and other trees. For the next 160 lines the poet seems to be thinking exclusively of the vine or of the trees planted in the 'arbustum' as its supporters. He does not distinguish between the different modes of rearing the vine, but in general appears to assume that the 'arbustum' will be the means adopted. He speaks of the vine and its supporters almost indifferently, as objects more or less of the same culture, so that while keeping the former prominently before him he feels himself at liberty to use general language, or even to confine his language to the latter, as metrical convenience or poetical variety may suggest a manner of speaking which renders this part of the book peculiarly difficult, at least to an unprofessional commentator. The olive, which was put forward prominently in the programme of the book, is actually disposed of in a very few lines, as requiring hardly any culture at all, while the other fruit-trees are dismissed even more briefly. The remaining trees receive a very hasty recommendation to the cultivator, backed however with an assurance that they are even more useful to man than the vine. In the celebrated digression which concludes the book the laborious aspect of a country life, elsewhere so prominent, is studiously kept out of sight, and we hear only of ease, enjoyment, and plenty. Its interest as bearing on the tastes of the poet himself has been noticed in the general introduction to the Georgics. The beauties of this book have always been admired, and deservedly so. They are most conspicuous in the digressions; but the more strictly didactic part contains innumerable felicities of expression, though it may be doubted whether in general they do not obscure the practical meaning as much as they illustrate it—whether in fact they do not constitute the strongest condemnation of that school of poetry of which they are so illustrious an example. As in the case of Book 1, we can say nothing of the date. All that we know is that vv. 171, 172 seem to have been written just after the battle of Actium; but the passage to |