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Hellanicus, Acusilas fuit aliique permulti, talis noster Cato et Pictor et Piso, qui neque tenent, quibus rebus ornetur oratio— modo enim huc ista sunt importata-et, dum intellegatur quid 54 dicant, unam dicendi laudem putant esse brevitatem. Paulum se erexit et addidit maiorem historiae sonum vocis vir optimus, 5 Crassi familiaris, Antipater; ceteri non exornatores rerum, sed au 13 tantummodo narratores fuerunt.' 'Est,' inquit Catulus ut dicis ; sed iste ipse Caelius neque distinxit historiam varietate colorum neque verborum conlocatione et tractu orationis leni et aequabili

5. vocis incl. Ell. K.

8. colorum K e coniect. Jacobsii, locorum codd.

silas: cp. Müller (Donaldson), Hist. of Greek Literature, i. 346-350. Acusilas

or Acusilaus of Argos was the earliest, but the least important of the three. There is no positive evidence to show whether the name of the second is Hellanicus (for 'EXλavóvīkos) or Hellanicus (i. e. Ελλάνικος for Ελληνικός with the accent thrown back according to the Aeolic tendency): the former view is maintained by Lobeck on Phrynichus, p. 670, and Dindorf, Steph. Thes. s. v. and adopted by Dr. Schmitz in the Dict. Biog.: the latter by Donaldson, 1. c. iii. p. 446.

2. tenent, understand:' cp. pro Mur. 9. 22 ille tenet et scit ut hostium copiae, tu ut aquae pluviae arceantur.'

3. modo; cp. iii. 51. 198 (of the introduction of the period): in § 121 this service is ascribed to Crassus.

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adopted by Kayser, Pid., Sorof, and some
earlier editors. This is strongly supported
by some parallel passages: cp. ad Her.
iv. 11. 16 exornationes si rarae dispo-
nentur, distinctam sicuti coloribus-red-
dent orationem,' and Or. 19. 65 (of the
epideictic style) verba altius transferunt
eaque ita disponunt ut pictores varietatem
colorum.' Of course color is in these
passages (as in iii. 25. 95; 52. 199) used
in its ordinary sense, though applied
figuratively it has a special technical
sense in some writers on rhetoric, for
which cp. Volkmann, Rhet. p. 78 note,
Ernesti, Lex. Techn. s. v. Xpŵμa. I do not
think it impossible (with Ellendt) to de-
fend locorum here, in the sense of 'general
reflexions: cp. i. 13. 56 (note): for these
loci communes are almost identical with
the sententiae, which are lumina orationis
very proper to history, and indeed de-
manded by Antonius in § 63. But the
correction is an easy one (cp. above,
§ 2, note), and it is hard to resist the
force of the parallel passages. Besides
it is perhaps more natural here that
Caelius should be charged with a want of
variety in style, rather than with deficient
sententiousness, though Cicero in Brut. 93.
322 does complain of the lack of orators
in his youth qui dilatare posset, atque a
propria ac definita disputatione hominis
ac temporis ad communem quaestionem
universi generis orationem traducere.'
Kühner rejects the reading colorum, on
the ground that the style is not discussed
until the following clause, but this begs
the question. With the reading in the
text we may translate: 'But even your
friend Caelius himself did not set off
history by any variety of colouring, nor
did he give polish to that work of his by
the arrangement of his words and by the
smooth and regular flow of his style.'

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perpolivit illud opus; sed ut homo neque doctus neque maxime aptus ad dicendum, sicut potuit, dolavit; vicit tamen, ut dicis, superiores.' 'Minime mirum,' inquit Antonius 'si ista res adhuc 55 nostra lingua inlustrata non est; nemo enim studet eloquentiae 5 nostrorum hominum, nisi ut in causis atque in foro eluceat; apud Graecos autem eloquentissimi homines remoti a causis forensibus cum ad ceteras res inlustris tum ad historiam scribendam maxime se applicaverunt: namque et Herodotum illum, qui princeps genus hoc ornavit, in causis nihil omnino versatum esse accepimus; 10 atqui tanta est eloquentia, ut me quidem, quantum ego Graece scripta intellegere possum, magno opere delectet; et post illum 56 Thucydides omnis dicendi artificio mea sententia [facile] vicit; qui ita creber est rerum frequentia, ut verborum prope numerum sententiarum numero consequatur, ita porro verbis est aptus et 15 pressus, ut nescias, utrum res oratione an verba sententiis in

I. maxime om. K cum By.

style

10. ego Graece scripta incl. K post Bakium. 12. facile incl. K cum B.

1. ut homo, as a man would, who was,' § 2.

2. dolavit, 'rough-hewed.'

3. ista res, i e. history.

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4. illustrata, embellished,' i. e. written in an elegant style. The word is used more frequently with the force of elucidate:' e. g. Acad. i. I. 3 'philosophiamque veterem illam a Socrate ortam Latinis litteris illustrare.'

5. in causis atque in foro: virtually
a hendiadys, as in § 33.

8. princeps ornavit.
The 'logo-
graphers' before the time of Herodotus
had by no means shaken themselves free
from the clumsiness which marked the
earliest attempts at prose composition.
Herodotus, though selected by Aristotle
(Rhet. iii. 9. 2) as his type of the jointed
style (λέξις εἰρομένη), is not without some
approach to the more finished periodic
structure of later writers. His relation
to his predecessors in the matter of style
is very well discussed by Mr. Woods in
the Introduction to his edition of Book I
(pp. xxvii-xxxii). Cp. also Mure, Hist.
Gr. Lit. iv. 513; Müller and Donaldson,
i. 362; Mahaffy, ii. 31. Princeps here
'first' in time, as in Caes. B. C. i. 76
'princeps in haec verba iuret,' not as often
of rank or position.

12. Thucydides : cp. Brut. 7. 29' Huic
aetati suppares Alcibiades, Critias, Thera-
menes: quibus temporibus quod dicendi

genus viguerit ex Thucydidi scriptis, qui ipse tum fuit, intellegi maxime potest. Grandes erant verbis, crebri sententiis, compressione rerum brevis, et ob eam ipsam causam subobscuri.' In Brut. 83. 287-8, Cicero compares the style of Thucydides to fiery old wine, and says that it is not to be imitated by the orator.

14. aptus, not as Müll, and Ern. · compressed,' which is not justified either by the derivation of the word or by its usage, but exact: cp. iii. 55. 210 quid aptum sit, hoc est quid maxime decens in oratione.' From 'apere,' to fit, comes the participle aptus, fitted;' hence 'closefitting.' Cp. Brut. 39. 145 'verbis erat [Scaevola ad rem cum summa brevitate mirabiliter aptus.'

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15. pressus, 'precise:' this word is often used with the force of 'concise,' as in § 96, and Quint. xii. 10. 18 'cum Attici pressi et integri, contra Asiani inflati et inanes haberentur.' But the other meaning is also found, and here suits the context better. On the other hand 'praecise' always means 'concisely,' not exactly.' Cp. de Fin. iv. 10. 24 'mihi placet agi subtilius et pressius: Tusc. iv. 7. 14 definiunt pressius' (with Kühner's note). In Acad. ii. 9. 29, and 34. 109, Mr. Reid translates 'pressius' 'trenchantly.' Cp. Cic. Hortens, frag. 46 (Baiter) 'pressum. Subtile. M. Tullius in Hortensio : quis te aut est aut fuit un

lustrentur: atqui ne hunc quidem, quamquam est in re publica versatus, ex numero accepimus eorum, qui causas dictitarunt; et hos ipsos libros tum scripsisse dicitur, cum a re publica remotus atque, id quod optimo cuique Athenis accidere solitum est, in exsilium pulsus esset; hunc consecutus est Syracosius Philistus, 5 57 qui, cum Dionysii tyranni familiarissimus esset, otium suum consumpsit in historia scribenda maximeque Thucydidem est, sicut mihi videtur, imitatus. Postea vero ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina duo praestantes ingenio, Theopompus et Ephorus ab Isocrate magistro impulsi se ad historiam contulerunt; causas 10

2. dictitarunt PS, cum B. dictitarent Lag. 36 cum plurimis aliis, K. 3. hos ipsos libros KS, Bb, hos libros P. Ell. 8. ex clarissima quasi rhetorum officina KS cum Bb: quasi ex clarissima rhetoris officina P. 9. ab Isocrate magistro impulsi, incl. K.

quam in partiundis rebus, in definiendis, in explicandis pressior,' Nonius, p. 364. 22. Kühner renders here so treffend ferner in Ausdrucke und genau.'

2. dictitarunt: so Pid. and Sorof, with the older MSS. Kayser dictitarent, with the inferior MSS. The subj. cannot be said to be required here; for the relative clause' by a periphrasis describes and specifies the idea concerning which the 'statement is made, so that the relative proposition supplies the place of a simple name:' here eorum qui causas dictitarunt' of forensic speakers.' Cp. Madv. § 362 a.

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4. atque, and in fact.'

optimo cuique, e. g. Miltiades, Aristides, Themistocles, Cimon. For the justice of this assertion cp. Grote's remarks upon the action of ostracism: Vol. iii. 129 (ed. 1862).

5. exsilium: the xs is justified by the etymology of the word, but on the Mon. Ancyr. we find exilium (i. 10), and no rule can be laid down for the orthography. Here Ell, notes 's non habent Lgg. praeter 93, qui ita corr.' Reid on pro Arch. p. 72, says 'Usage in these words probably varied, but the form exs- preponderated,' which is more accurate than Roby, § 112. Cp. Brambach, Neugêst. d. Lat. Orth. pp. 278-280.

Syracosius: Lg. 5. 16. 86 'quod probandum videretur si firmiores testes haberet.' Ell. We have this form in A at iii. 34, 139, and it is found also in de Off. i. 44. 155; therefore we need not hesitate to adopt it. The usual Latin form is Syracusanus: the only other instance of Syracusius seems to be in Tusc. v. 35. 100, where the MSS. are by no means at one

in giving it. Of course Syracusius is not
possible in dactylic verse; cp. Verg. Ecl.
vi. I.

Philistus, born about B.C. 430, exiled
in B.C. 386 by the elder Dionysius, al-
though he was his devoted partisan and
had helped him to secure the throne, and
recalled by the younger Dionysius. He
began when in exile in Epirus a history
entitled τὰ Σικελικά, which after his return
he carried down to в.c. 362. Cp. Cic. ad
Quint. Fr. ii. 13. 4 'Siculus ille capitalis
[i. e. Philistus] creber, acutus, brevis,
paene pusillus Thucydides.' Quint. x. 1.
1.4 'Philistus quoque meretur, qui turbae
quamvis bonorum post eos [sc. Herodotus,
Thucydides, Theopompus auctorum ex-
imatur, imitator Thucydidi et ut multo
infirmior, ita aliquatenus lucidior.' Cp.
Mure, v. 503-5c9; Mahaffy, ii. 431-433;
Müller, Fragm. Hist. Gr. i. 185-192.

8. quasi apologises for the expression
officina, 'factory' (= opificina).

9. Theopompus of Chios: Muré, v.
509-529. E. Curtius, Hist, of Greece, v.
176 [in his style he shared the clearness
and dignity of his teacher ']; Mahaffy, ii.
434-437. He wrote two great works, the
'EXλnvikά in 12 books. from the close of
the history of Thucydides to the battle
of Knidos in 394, and the iλımmıká in
58 books. Although he never wrote
court speeches, probably as being a man
of independent means, he was distinguished
for his epideictic rhetoric. Müller, i. 278–
Acow
333.

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Ephorus of Cyme 'was not so brilliantly endowed by nature' (Curt. v. 178), 'but his power of endurance and his qualifications for learned research were proportionately greater.' He wrote a

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omnino numquam attigerunt. Denique etiam a philosophia 14 profectus princeps Xenophon, Socraticus ille, post ab Aristotele 58 Callisthenes, comes Alexandri, scripsit historiam, et is quidem rhetorico paene more; ille autem superior leniore quodam sono 5 est usus, et qui illum impetum oratoris non habeat, vehemens fortasse minus, sed aliquanto tamen est, ut mihi quidem videtur, dulcior. Minimus natu horum omnium Timaeus, quantum autem iudicare possum, longe eruditissimus et rerum copia et sententiarum varietate abundantissimus et ipsa compositione verborum 10 non impolitus magnam eloquentiam ad scribendum attulit, sed nullum usum forensem.' Haec cum ille dixisset, 'quid est,' 59 inquit Catule?' Caesar; ' ubi sunt, qui Antonium Graece negant

Universal History (ioropía) from the return of the Herakleidae to the capture of Perinthus in B.C. 340, in 30 books. Mure, v. 529-540. Müller, i. 234-277.

I. Denique, 'finally.' Cicero had intended to close with the mention of Xenophon: Timaeus is an after-thought. Cp. however Munro on Lucret. i. 17. A philosophia profectus virtually goes with both Xenophon and Callisthenes: 'there is, proceeding from philosophy, first X.'

2. ab Aristotele, a pupil of Aristotle :' cp. § 160, and de Off. iii. 33. 116 atqui ab Aristippo Cyrenaici atque Annicerii,' with Holden's note. The construction is an imitation of the Greek οἱ ἀπὸ Πλάτωνος, Callisthenes of Olynthus, born about B.C. 360, was adopted and educated by Aristotle, joined Alexander in Asia, and was put to death by him in B.C. 328, on a charge of conspiracy. His fate excited great indignation and sympathy in Greece. His historical works were (1) Hellenica in ten books, from the peace of Antalcidas to the occupation of the temple at Delphi by the Phocians (B.C. 387-357); (2) a History of the Sacred War in continuation of the former work; (3) an unfinished History of Alexander. The extant fragments collected by Müller (Script. Alex. M. p. 7) do not enable us to judge of his style. Aristotle is quoted by Plutarch (Alex. 54) as calling him powerfully eloquent in speech: Longinus and Timaeus accuse him of bombast, and this is certainly true of the passages quoted from his History of Alexander. Čp. Mure, v. 553-568.

4. leniore quodam sono... dulcior: of Xenophon Suidas says, Αττικὴ μέσ λιττα ἐπωνομάζετο : Diogenes Laert. ii. 57 ἐκαλεῖτο δὲ καὶ ̓Αττικὴ Μοῦσα γλυκύτητι

Tns Epμnveías: Cic. Or. 19. 62 'Xenophontis voce Musas quasi locutas ferunt :' 9. 32 cuius sermo est ille quidem melle dulcior, sed a forensi strepitu remotissimus.' Mure writes (v. 261), 'His style indeed, in the proper sense, has been universally and justly admired for graces of no ordinary character; for an easy, elegant simplicity, and harmonious flow of expression, for perspicuity of sense, and purity of Attic idiom. These however are pleasing and attractive, rather than striking or brilliant qualities.' For criticisms on his Attic purity, cp. Cobet, Nov. Lect. passim, esp. pp. 388 ff. 722 f., and Shilleto on Thuc. i. 43. 2 (he frequently departs from his country's usage'). The peculiarities of the style of the Anabasis are collected by Mr. Pretor (Anab. ii. pp. 7-11), partly on the authority of Shilleto.

7. Timaeus of Tauromenium, born about 352, died about 256. He was banished from Sicily by Agathocles, probably in 310, and lived for more than fifty years at Athens. He wrote the history of Sicily from the earliest times down to 264, at which date Polybius commences his work. Polybius finds great fault with his method of writing history, and pronounces him quite unfit for the task he had undertaken. His most serious charge, that Timaeus had no practical knowledge of war or politics, and drew his knowledge from books alone, seems to have been well-grounded, and is not inconsistent with Cicero's judgment here. Cp. Müller, vol. i. pp. 193-233.

II. quid est? What do you say to this?'

12. Graece the adverb is generally used not only with loqui, but also with scire (§ 265), nescire (Brut. 37. 140), docere

scire? quot historicos nominavit! quam scienter, quam proprie
de uno quoque dixit!' 'Id mehercule' inquit Catulus 'admirans
illud iam mirari desino, quod multo magis ante mirabar, hunc,

cum haec nesciret, in dicendo posse tantum.' 'Atqui,50.15.

inquit Antonius 'non ego utilitatem aliquam ad dicendum au-5 cupans horum libros et non nullos alios, sed delectationis causa, 60 cum est otium, legere soleo. Quid ergo? est, fatebor, aliquid tamen; ut, cum in sole ambulem, etiamsi ego ob aliud ambulem, ere. Elen fieri natura tamen, ut colorer, sic, cum istos libros ad Misenum-t2. nam Romae vix licet-studiosius legerim, sentio illorum tactu 10 235 orationem meam quasi colorari. Sed ne latius hoc vobis patere de Loews dem videatur, haec dumtaxat in Graecis intellego, quae ipsi, qui ne 61 scripserunt, voluerunt volgo intellegi: in philosophos vestros sigl for quando incidi, deceptus indicibus librorum, qui sunt fere inscripti

10. tactu codices quattuor

8. ob aliud Ell. KP: B Lagg. 36: ob aliam causam S. non optimae notae: cantu ceteri: desunt nobis codices mutili. [his verbis incipiunt Lg. 2, 4, 13, 32 7. si fidendum est Ellendtio. codicis A. incipit folium quartum :-[serunt.

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7. Quid ergo? This phrase is rarely, if ever, used without a second question following, which suggests a view which is to be refuted: e. g. de Off. iii. 18. 73 quid ergo? satin est hoc ut non deliquisse videantur? mihi quidem non videtur.' Hence there is much plausibility in Sorof's suggestion that a second question must have dropped out here. The old punctuation quid ergo est?' will not stand, for this could only be rendered

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what do I mean then?' The only rendering of the text which suits the context is 'what do I gain then?' which the words will hardly bear.

8. tamen, 'after all.'

9. fieri, governed by 'sentio,' as necesse esse is by 'arbitror' in § 69. Bake corrects (?) fit, because he holds that no one can feel himself growing sunburnt. We need not reply with Ell. 'multi sentiunt, opinor:' but still less need we correct so slight a zeugma.

ad Misenum. Antonius had a villa here, which afterwards belonged to his grandson the triumvir (Phil. ii. 19. 48; ad Att. x. 8; xiv. 20). It was probably while she was staying here that the orator's daughter was carried off by pirates (de Imp. Cn. Pomp. 12. 33, with Halm's note). There was another and

II. sed ne latius,
13. scripserunt:

a more famous villa at Misenum, which
belonged first to C. Marius, afterwards
to Lucullus, and then to the emperor
Tiberius, who died there (Tac. Ann.
vi. 50).

10. tactu. There can be hardly any
doubt that this is the right reading,
though it has very slight MS. authority;
the great majority of the MSS. have
cantu, which Ell. endeavours to defend
as said 'nove quidem sed eleganter' for
the tone and rhythm of style, as in Or.
18. 57'est autem etiam in dicendo qui-
dam cantus obscurior; but the whole
context shows that this is said only with
reference to delivery. Tactus = 'influence,'
as in de Nat. Deor. ii. 15. 40 is solis
tactus est, non ut tepefaciat solum, sed
etiam comburat,' de Div. ii. 46. 97' ex
quo intellegitur, plus terrarum situs quam
lunae tactus ad nascendum valere'
(where the reading tactus is certainly
better than the v. 1. tractus, given by
Moser in the former passage there is
no doubt about the reading).

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12. dumtaxat, i. 58. 249 (note), merely.'

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