Tranio-Well, then, I give it up. I excuse you; it is through age you cannot see. Theuropides-These things which I can see, really they do all please me mightily. Simo [coming forward]—Now, at length, it's worth your while to move further on. Theuropides- -Troth, you give good advice. Simo [calling at the door]-Ho there, boy! take this person round this house and the apartments. But I myself would have shown you round, if I hadn't had business at the Forum. Theuropides - Away with any one to show me over. I don't want to be shown over. Whatever it is, I'd rather go wrong than any one should show me over. Simo-The house I'm speaking of. Theuropides-Then I'll go in without any one to show me over. Simo-Go, by all means. Theuropides-I'll go indoors, then. Tranio [holding him back]-Stop, please; let me see whether the dog Theuropides-Very well then, look. [TRANIO looks into the passage.] Tranio There is one. Theuropides [looking in] - Where is it? Tranio [to the dog]-Be off and be hanged! 'St, won't you be off to utter perdition with you? What, do you still linger? 'St, away with you from here! Simo [coming nearer to the door]-There's no danger. You only move on. It's as gentle as a woman in childbed. You may boldly step indoors wherever you like. I'm going hence to the Forum. Theuropides-You've acted obligingly. Good speed to you. [Exit SIMO.]-Tranio, come, make that dog move away from the door inside, although it isn't to be feared. Tranio-Nay but [pointing], you look at it, how gently it lies. Unless you'd like yourself to appear troublesome and cowardly Theuropides-Very well, just as you like. Theuropides-For my part, I shall not move in any direc tion from your feet. [They go into the house. [The trick is of course found out, and the young scapegrace pardoned.] THE END OF THE MACEDONIAN KINGDOM. BY BISHOP THIRLWALL. 66 [CONNOP THIRLWALL, bishop of St. David's from 1840, was born at London in 1797 and educated at Cambridge. He was admitted to the bar, but left it for the church in 1828. He gained high repute as a classical scholar of remarkably sound and massive judgment, and began in 1835 his great History of Greece" (eight volumes), completed in 1847 — which, instead of becoming obsolete with time, is increasingly valued for its justice and penetration, and the portion on Alexander's reign and after, scholars agree, has never been equaled.] AT Rome, though no apprehension was felt as to the final issue of the Macedonian war, its state at the end of the third year was not regarded as promising; and L. Æmilius Paullus was raised for the second time to the consulate, with a general hope that his tried abilities would bring the contest to a speedy close, though the province was not assigned to him, as Plutarch relates, but, apparently at least, fell to him by lot. He himself, after his election, caused commissioners to be sent to inspect the condition of the army, and their report of it was not at all cheering. A levy of 14,000 foot and 1200 horse was decreed to re. enforce it. He set out from Rome with Cn. Octavius, who commanded the fleet, on the first of April; arrived at Corcyra on the same day on which he sailed from Brundusium; five days after celebrated a sacrifice at Delphi, and in five more had reached the camp in Pieria. His soldiers, who had been accustomed to great license, soon learned, by the regulations which he introduced, that they had now a general as well as a consul at their head; and Perseus no longer felt himself safe behind the Enipeus, when he saw the Roman camp moved forward to the opposite bank. The terror with which he was inspired by the fame of Paullus was soon heightened by tidings that whatever hopes he had built on his alliance with Gentius had fallen to the ground. After a war of not more than twenty or thirty days, Gentius, being besieged in his capital, Scodra, surrendered to the prætor Anicius, and was carried with all his family to Rome, to adorn his triumph, having received ten talents as the price of his throne and his liberty. Perseus, however, did not neglect the precautions which his situation required. He fortified his position on the Enipeus; detached a body of cavalry to protect the coast of Macedonia from the operations of the Roman fleet, which had entered the gulf of Thessalonica; and sent 5000 men to guard the northern pass of Olympus at Petra, which opened a way near the highest summit of the mountain, the Pythium, by which an enemy might descend to the plains in his rear. This was, indeed, the danger which he had most reason to provide against; for Paullus, having weighed all the modes of attack by which he might attempt to dislodge the enemy from his position, finally decided on this. He sent P. Scipio Nasica, accompanied by his eldest son, Fabius Maximus, with 8000 men, to force this pass, while he occupied the attention of Perseus with a series of assaults on his intrenchments. Nasica, after a long circuit, surprised the Macedonians at Petra, and drove them down before him; and Perseus, at his approach, hastily abandoned his position, and retreated towards Pydna, where the consul, having been joined by Nasica, came up with him the same day, but deferred giving battle until the morrow. An eclipse of the moon, which took place in the night, filled the Macedonians with superstitious terror; the Romans had a tribune in their army who was able to predict and explain it. Perseus, though with blank misgivings, yielded to the advice of his friends, who exhorted him to risk an engagement; he could not but perceive that further retreat would be attended with the dispersion of his forces and the loss of his kingdom. The next day (June 22, B.C. 168) a short combat decided the fate of the Macedonian monarchy. The power of the phalanx was again tried, under circumstances the most advantageous to it, and again failed, through the same causes which occasioned the loss of the battle of Cynoscephalæ. Victorious on the level ground, it fell into disorder when it had advanced upon the retreating enemy to the foot of the hills, where it could no longer preserve the evenness of its front, and the compactness of its mass; and opened numerous passages through its ranks for the legionaries, who rushed in to an almost unresisted slaughter. The slain on the Macedonian side are said to have amounted to 20,000; upwards of 10,000 were made prisoners the Romans lost scarcely 100 men. Perseus took little part in the battle, as the Romans gave out, through cowardice; but it appears that he had received a kick from a horse the day before, which compelled him to use a litter. It is certain, however, that, as soon as the rout began, he left the field with the cavalry, which remained untouched, and fled towards Pella. He was soon deserted by his Macedonian followers, and even at Pella found that he was no longer obeyed by his subjects. In the first movement of his passion he killed two officers of his household with his own hand; and continued his flight with no attendants beside the royal pages but three foreigners, Evander the Cretan, Neon the Boeotian, and the Ætolian Archidamus, with 500 Cretans, whose attachment was only retained by permission to plunder the royal plate, which Perseus afterwards recovered from them by a disgraceful trick. At Amphipolis he sent three persons of low rank, the only messengers he could find, with a letter to Paullus; but only stayed long enough to embark the treasure deposited there, and sailed with it down the Strymon to Galepsus, and thence to Samothrace. Little loyalty could seem due to such a king, even if his fortunes had been less desperate. The whole of Macedonia submitted immediately without resistance to the conqueror. The Roman fleet soon pursued the royal fugitive to Samothrace. But Octavius spared the sanctity of the asylum, and only demanded Evander, as a man whose hands were stained with the blood of Eumenes, and Perseus was said to have dispatched him, to prevent a disclosure of his own guilt. But he suffered himself to be overreached by another Cretan, who engaged to convey him to the coast of Thrace, where he hoped to find refuge at the court of Cotys; but sailed away without him, as soon as his treasure had been put on board. He then hid himself in a nook of the temple, until his remaining servants had been tempted by a promise of free pardon to surrender themselves, and his younger children had been betrayed into the hands of Octavius by the friend who had charge of them. He then gave himself up, with his eldest son Philip, to the pretor, and was immediately conducted to the consul's camp. He was courteously received by the conqueror, but is said to have forfeited the respect which would have been paid to his rank, by the abjectness of his demeanor; though he was thought to have been guilty of extravagant presumption, when in the letter which he wrote immediately after his defeat, he retained the title of king. About the same time that these events were taking place in Macedonia, Anicius, after the subjugation of Illyria, marched into Epirus. At Phanota, where the plot had been laid for the seizure of the consul Hostilius, the whole population went out to meet him with the ensigns of suppliants. All the other towns of Epirus submitted likewise without resistance: only in four, in Molossis, was there so much as an appearance of hesitation, which was the effect of the presence of Cephalus, and some other leaders of the Macedonian party. But this obstacle was soon removed by their execution or voluntary death, and these towns also surrendered without any opposition. Anicius distributed his troops among the principal cities, and left the whole country perfectly tranquil when he returned to Illyria to meet the five commissioners, who were sent from Rome to regulate its affairs. A commission of Ten was appointed as usual to settle those of Macedonia. In the summer of 167, before the arrival of the commissioners, Paullus, accompanied by his second son, the future conqueror of Carthage and Numantia [Scipio the younger], and by Athenæus, a brother of Eumenes, made a tour in Greece: not with any political object, but simply to gratify the curiosity of a stranger, who was familiar with Greek literature, and whose house at Rome was full of Greek rhetoricians, and artists, and masters of all kinds for the education of his sons. He went to view the monuments of art, scenes celebrated in history or fable, or hallowed by religion: to compare Phidias with Homer. It was not only Athens and Sparta, Sicyon and Argos, and Epidaurus, Corinth, and Olympia that attracted his attention: the comparatively obscure shrines of Lebadea and Oropus were not without their interest for the Roman augur, who was no less exact in the observance of the sacerdotal ritual than in the maintenance of military discipline, but sacrificed at Olympia before the work of Phidias with as much devotion as in the capitol. He did not indeed wholly lay aside the majesty of the proconsul; at Delphi he ordered his own statues to be placed on the pedestals which had been erected for those of Perseus. But he made no inquiries into recent political transactions, and displayed his power chiefly in acts of beneficence; for amidst so many memorials of ancient prosperity he everywhere found signs of present poverty and distress, and the vast magazines of corn and oil which had fallen into his hands in Macedonia enabled him to relieve the indigence of the Greeks by liberal largesses. His visit to Greece is a pleasing idyllian episode in a life divided between the senate and the camp; and it is characteristic of the begin |