398

PYTHAGORAS. VEGETARIANS.

[174

nata faba. Plut. educ. 17 p. 12° Wytt. Iambl. vit. Pyth. §§ 61. 259. Plut. qu. Rom. 95 διὰ τί νενόμισται τοὺς ἁγνεύοντας ὀσπρίων ἀπέχεσθαι; πότερον, ὡς οἱ Πυθαγορικοὶ τοὺς μὲν κυάμους ἀφωσιοῦντο διὰ τὰς λεγομένας αἰτίας, τὸν δὲ λάθυρον καὶ τὸν ἐρέβινθον ὡς παρωνύμους τοῦ ἐρέβους Kai Tĥs λnons; id. qu. conv. 11 3 1 § 1 Plutarch had several times dreamt that he ought to abstain from eggs, and resolved to do so, in order to test, κаláтeр év Kapi, the authority of dreams. § 2 at a dinner party some suspected that he had become a convert to Orphic and Pythagorean doctrines, and abominated eggs, as others heart and brain, as the principle of birth. § 3 Alexander the Epicurean in jest quoted the verse lσóv τοι κ.τ.λ. ὡς δὴ κυάμους τὰ φὰ διὰ τὴν κύησιν αἰνιττομένων τῶν ἀνδρῶν, διαφέρειν δὲ μηδὲν οἰομένων τὸ ἐσθίειν ᾠὰ τοῦ χρῆσθαι τοῖς τίκτουσι τὰ ᾠὰ Swois. § 4 not to argue with an Epicurean on dreams Plut. did not deny the charge, and the conversation passed to the question 'which is first, the hen or the egg.' id. de esu carnium (see both speeches, a vegetarian apology) II 3 § 2 Pythagoras and Empedokles teach us to be just to other kinds of creatures also. § 3 you laught at him who abstains from mutton. qu. conv. VIII 7 1 §2 at a Roman dinner Philinus abstained from meat, which brought on a Pythagorean discussion. ib. qu. 8 why the Pythagoreans abstain from fish. § 2 some Pythagoreans would occasionally eat meat, but not fish. Porph. abst. Iv 16 charge at Eleusis to abstain from domestic birds and fish and beans. The priests of Zeus in Crete Eur. Cretes fr. 475 18 19 Nauck (in Porph. abst. iv 19) týv t ἐμψύχων | βρῶσιν ἐδεστῶν πεφύλαγμαι. id. Hipp. 952–5 ήδη νυν αὔχει καὶ δι' ἀψύχου βορᾶς, σίτοις καπήλευ', Ορφέα τ' ἄνακτ ̓ ἔχων | βάκχευε, πολλῶν γραμμάτων τιμῶν κάπνους. Aristoph. ran. 1032. Plat. legg. 782. epinom. 795a. Hor. a. p. 391-2 silvestris homines sacer interpresque deorum caedibus et victu foedo deterruit Orpheus. Plut. VII sap. conv. 16 p. 159° makes Solon say that it is an injustice to take life to support our own life: τὸ δὲ ἀπέχεσθαι σαρκῶν ἐδωδῆς, ὥσπερ Ορφέα τὸν παλαιὸν ἱστοροῦσι, σόφισμα μᾶλλον ἢ φυγὴ τῶν περὶ τὴν τροφὴν ἀδικημάτων éori. Sext. Emp. math. 11 31 32. Spartian. Did. Iul. 3 § 9 Iulianus was so frugal, that often nulla existente religione holeribus leguminibusque contentus sine carne cenaverit. Lucian dial. mort. 20 3 Pythagoras to Menippus 'let me see what there is to eat in your scrip.' 'Beans, my good friend; so that this is not for you to eat.' 'Only give them to me: ἄλλα παρὰ νεκροῖς δόγματα· ἔμαθον γὰρ ὡς οὐδὲν ἴσον κύαμοι καὶ κεφαλαὶ τοκήων ἐνθάδε. Α vegetable diet commended by Philo in Eus. p. e. vIII 14 §§ 69 70. Iosephus vita 2 spent three years, aet. 15—18, with the vegetarian Banun. The Essenes vegetarians Ios. bell. 11 8 § 5. cf. § 8. ant. XVIII 1 § 5. Philo quod omn. prob. liber 12 (11 457 M), the Therapeutae (Philo vit. contempl. §§ 5. 9), the Jewish sect of Nasaraeans (Epiphan. haer. XVIII 1 p. 38). Philo animal. 62 (VIII 130 Richter) the ancients seeing that virtues extended even to brute beasts, abstained from eating flesh; as temperance declined, they took to a meat diet and disease ensued. Hence men of education, emulating the wisdom of Pythagoras, do not touch flesh, even in case of necessity, from religious sobriety and to avoid disease. The apostle Matthew (Clem. Al. paed. II § 16) σπερμάτων καὶ ἀκροδρύων καὶ λαχάνων ἄνευ κρεῶν μετελάμβανεν. cf. (and also for James) Epiphan. haer. xxx 23. James the just (Hegesippus in Eus. h. e. II 23 § 5) was holy from his mother's womb, olvov kai σίκερα οὐκ ἔπιεν, οὐδὲ ἔμψυχον ἔφαγε. cf. Aug. c. Faust. XXII 3. Aug. civ. Dei 1 20 rejects the interpretation which extends the prohibition non occides to beasts and cattle, quia nulla nobiscum ratione sociantur,

174]

PYTHAGORAS AND BEANS.

399 St Peter is represented as condemning the use of meat Clem. hom. 1 45. VIII 15 the giants, ἐν διατροφῇ ἐπὶ τὴν παρὰ φύσιν τῶν ζῴων βορὰν τρεπό μevo, the first to taste flesh. ib. 16. xII 6. xv 7. can. apostol. 51 deposition of the clergy, excommunication of laity, who abstain from flesh not for discipline, but as abominable (as the Eustathians did) conc. Gangr. c. 1 2. 21. Bingham xvII 5 19-20. Cotelier on constitut. apostol. vi 12 cites many fathers who held that no flesh was eaten before the deluge. Tert. cult. fem. 11 9 numquid non aliqui ipsam Dei creaturam sibi interdicunt, abstinentes vino et animalibus esculentis, quorum fructus nulli periculo aut sollicitudini adiacent, sed humilitatem animae suae in victus quoque castigatione Deo immolant? Clem. Al. paed. II 1 § 11. str. vII 6 § 32. Among the sects which abstained from flesh were Ebionites (Epiphan. haer. xxx 15 p. 139. 18 p. 142d. 19 p. 143. 22 p. 146), Encratites (Iren. 1 28-30 § 2 in Eus. Iv 29 § 2. Aug. haer. 25), Aerians (acc. to Philastr. 72. not acc. to Epiph. 75 § 3 fin. cf. Aug. haer. 53), Tatians (Philastr. 48. some make them the same as the Encratites), Priscillianists (Aug. 70), Patricians (Aug. 61). Clem. Al. str. VII § 33 approves abstinence as a discipline of the body: Táx' av Tis τῶν γνωστικῶν καὶ ἀσκήσεως χάριν σαρκοφαγίας ἀπόσχοιτο καὶ τοῦ μὴ σφριγᾶν περὶ τὰ ἀφροδίσια τὴν σάρκα. ib. III § 85 he asserts the law of Christian freedom ἐπάναγκες μὲν οὖν οὐ κωλυτέον γαμεῖν οὐδὲ μὴν κρεοpayeîv ĥoivoπоTEV. The Brachman (Strabo p. 712) abstains wholly from flesh and marriage for 37 years; after which he eats the flesh of such creatures as do not serve man, δριμέων καὶ ἀρτυτῶν ἀπεχόμενον. ib. 713 the Garmanes also live on leaves and wild fruits; an inferior order on rice and barley. cf. Clem. Al. str. 1 § 60. Augustine, from his Manichean experience, is led to dilate on the point de mor. Man. § 30 one of the Manichean 'elect' forfeits heaven if frusto pernae vel rancido labra unxerit, but may fare otherwise sumptuously, boletos orizam tubera placentas caroenum piper laser distento ventre ructantem without risk. ib. §§ 35-37. 51. 53–64 (e.g. § 54 si arborem necare, ut vos dicitis, homicidium est, aut necare animalia. cf. c. Faust. v 6. haer. 46 VIII 51d Gaume). The pupils (auditores) among them gathered fruit for the 'elect', and themselves ate meat, but might not kill (haer. 46); the 'elect' must abstain (ib. id. c. Faust. vi 1. 4-6. xvi 9. xxx 1. 5. c. Adim. 15 § 2 VIII 236d). Reasons assigned for their abstinence c. Adim. 15 § 1. Why catholics abstained mor. Manich. § 31. c. Faust. xxx 3. 5. ep. 55= 119 § 36 those who regarded flesh as unclean contradict St Paul. c. Adim. 14 § 2. In the dietetic reformer. Manchester, Heywood' a monthly serial, a translation of the notices of vegetarianism in ancient writers is now appearing. Aristoxenus, on the other hand, states that beans were the usual food of Pythagoras (Gell. Iv 11). The same absti nence was found in Egypt, and in Rome it formed a part of the process of purification (Plut. quaest. Rom. 95). Hippolytus (philosophum. 1 2 p. 13 72-84 D) says that Zoroaster taught this abstinence to Pythagoras; the grounds alleged are puerile, as all explanations have been. See Bayle n. I. Paus. VIII 15 § 4 the mystae of Demeter at Pheneae regarded the bean as μǹ кaðaρóv. Iambl. v. P. § 191 Pythagoreans chose rather to die than to march across a bean-field. § 193 when Dionysius asked the reason, Myllias replied: "They chose rather to die than trample on beans, I would rather trample on beans, than divulge their reason.' ib. § 194 (Menage on DL. VIII § 50 cites a like story of Theano) Timycha, wife of Myllias, bit off her tongue to shew that no torture could extract the secret from her. In this they followed the example set by

400

BEANS. CROCODILES.

[174

Pythagoras DL. VIII §§ 39 40. schol. Salernit. c. 19 4 manducare fabam caveas, facit illa podagram. Moreau in his comm. (Par. 1672 pp. 332— 9) cites the opinions of the ancient physicians and speaks of Pythagoras. cf. Ael. v. h. IV 17 Periz. Lobeck Aglaoph. 251-5. Lucian gallus 4. 18. ver. hist. II 28. vit. auct. 6. Paus. 1 37 § 4. Iambl. adhort. ad phil. 21 symb. 37 pp. 317. 371 K. Beside beans mallows prohibited Iambl. adhort. ad phil. 21 symb. 38 pp. 316. 376 K. Artemid. 1 65.

ADDENDA

...

2 CROCODILON ADORAT Max. Tyr. vIII 5 after blaming the Egyptian law: They honour an ox and bird and goat and the creatures of Nile, ὧν θνητὰ μὲν τὰ σώματα, δειλοὶ δὲ οἱ βίοι, ταπεινὴ δὲ ἡ ὄψις, ἀγεννὴς δὲ ἡ θεραπεία, αἰσχρὰ δὲ ἡ τιμή. ἀποθνήσκει θεὸς Αἰγυπτίοις καὶ πενθεῖται θεὸς καὶ δείκνυται παρ' αὐτοῖς ἱερὸν θεοῦ καὶ τάφος θεοῦ . . . παρὰ δὲ Αἰγυπ τίοις ἰσότιμον ἔχει τὸ θεῖον τιμῆς καὶ δακρύων, tells a story (Holyday) of an Egyptian woman, which nourish'd a young crocodile: whereupon the rest of the Egyptians thought her a most happy woman, and the nurse of their God, and not a fe v sought to please both Her and her Darling. He adds, that this woman had a young son about the age of her God, whose play-fellow he was; and that, whiles for tenderness of body the Godcrocodile seem'd tame, all was well: but that when strength came to him, his nature came to him, and [though he had spoil'd his own sport] he eat up his play-fellow: that the mother notwithstanding, though indeed wretched, rejoiced at the death of her child, as most happy, being so honoured as to be made the sacrifice of her house-God.'

καὶ αἰλούροισι θύοντες.

7 AELUROS Sibyll. III 30 προσκυνέοντες ὄφεις

63 SAXA see the account of the Decian persecution in Alexandria Eus. h. e. vI 41 §§ 3 4. 64 65 DOMESTICA SEDITIONI TELA Ov. m. vI 685—6 ira, | quae solita est illi nimiumque domestica vento.

123 NOLENTI SURGERE NILO Lucr. vI 712-737. Amm. xxvIII 5 § 14. 174 NON OMNE LEGUMEN Plin. XVIII

§ 118 prisco ritu pulsa faba suae religionis dis in sacro est, praevalens pulmentari cibo et hebetare sensus existimata, insomnia quoque facere, ob haec Pythagoricae sententiae damnata, ut alii tradidere, quoniam mortuorum animae sint in ea, qua de causa parentando utique adsumitur. § 119 Varro et ob haec flaminem ea non vesci tradit et quoniam in flore eius litterae lugubres reperiantur.

20 Fr. Wieseler comm. de Cyaneis sive Symplegadibus. Götting. 1879. 30 Lact. epit. 63 § 5 tragoedia de incesto et

4to.

parricidis fabulatur.

XVI

SOLDIERS enjoy an almost entire exemption from punishment (1-34), are not harassed by protracted law-suits (35-50), and hold property in their own right, while their fathers yet live (51-60).

Schol. 'ista a plerisque exploditur, et dicitur non esse Iuvenalis.' On the other hand it is quoted as Juvenal's by Servius (Aen. 1 16 ver. 6. II 106 ver. 42) and Priscian (VIII 31 and 82 ver. 2). The opinions of modern critics are collected by Ruperti and Heinrich; add, in favour of the genuineness of the satire, K. F. Hermann, Düntzer, W. E. Weber, O. Jahn. That the work is imperfect is evident: for we have no complete list of the communia commoda, which were but the beginning of the proposed theme (7): the instances of special good fortune, alluded to in verses 1-6, are not touched upon. The objections which have been taken to the language are frivolous in themselves, and easily outweighed by the excellence of 4 seq. 9 seq. 24-34 cet. F. Bücheler (Rhein. Mus. XXIX 1874 636. cf. Ribbeck der echte.. Juvenal 175 seq.) explains the abrupt termination of the fragment. 'nam in medio fere corpore saturarum codices Pithoeanus et Sangallensis triginta versibus (vII 129-158) quae olim adscripta fuere scholia omittunt. casu aliquo Iahnius ea in communi archetypo intercepta existimavit, ego librorum naturae non video quid sit magis consentaneum quam totum interiisse folium. tricenum igitur versuum foliis archetypum compositum puto. iam numera inde a vII 159, ut qui primus fuerit in aliquo folio, versus saturarum reliquos, adice singulos praepositos saturis aliamque ab alia discernentes, praeterea duos quibus quarti libri et quinti exordia indicantur, neve unum illum neglexeris post Ix 134 sublatum ab editoribus sed antiquitus traditum, et summam cognosces fieri versuum 2040 folia inplentium 68 sine ulla deductione aut accessione. itaque qui hodie saturis finem facit versus idem extremus fuit in archetypi folio, nec plures ad nos pervenerunt ideo quod sequentia codicis folia aut unum saltem perierant.'

1-6 Fortune (1 felicis, 2 prospera, 3 secundo, 4 benigni) can shower countless prizes on the soldier; if she befriend him, he need not pray to Venus or Iuno to make interest with Mars on his behalf. The theme of the satire, as of xv, is proposed in a question. FELICIS VII 190-202. Ix 33. XII 62-66. epithet of Sulla and of certain legions. PRAEMIA the pay (Tac. ann. 1 17 two denarii a day for praetorian soldiers), bounties on special occasions, as on 26

IUV. II.

402

SAMIAN IUNO.

[XVI 1-7 an accession, a lump sum (5000 denarii for praetorians) on discharge Marquardt röm. Staatsverw. 111 94. 464. 524. 545. The competition for admission to the guards was great, and only the tallest candidates were accepted Dosith. Adr. sent. 2 Hadrian asked a recruit 'ŵs OÉλELS σTрaTEÚεσ0a;' he replied 'cis тò πрaiтúρiov'. 'How tall are you?' '5 feet'. Hadrian replied “ ἐν τοσούτῳ εἰς τὴν πολιτικὴν στρατεύου', i.e. the cohortes urbanae had a lower standard.

GALLI SO P, not Galle: the name Gallius occurs in Cic.

2 NAM felicis I say, for I could be content myself, if sure of fortune's favour, to enter the camp. 34 ME PAVIDUM EXCIPIAT TIRONEM PORTA SECUNDO SIDERE distat enim, quae | sidera te excipiant. Tac. h. III 24 quae castra alia excipient? Mühlmann 'excipio' col. 918.

....

VII 194-5

PORTA dig. XLIX 16 12 § 2 officium tribunorum est vel eorum, qui exercitui praesunt,.. claves portarum suscipere. On the four gates of the camp, the side-gates porta principalis dextera and p. p. sinistra, one at each end of the via principalis or cardo maximus, and the gates at the ends of the decumanus maximus, porta praetoria in front, p. decumana in the rear, see Marquardt röm. Staatsverw. 111 400-2.

4 SIDERE VI 569-581. x 314. xiv 248 n. Philo de provid. 1 77–88. HORA Pers. v 48 nata fidelibus hora.

5 VENERIS COMMENDET EPISTOLA MARTI II 30 31 leges revocabat amaras | omnibus atque ipsi Veneri Martique timendas. x 313. On the Lucianic tone I 84 n. XIII 38-52. Lucr. 1 38-40 hunc [Martem] tu, diva, tuo recubantem corpore sancto | circumfusa super, suavis ex ore loquellas | funde petens placidam Romanis, incluta, pacem. cf. ib. 31-37.

6 SAMIA GENETRIX QUAE DELECTATUR HARENA VII 32 n. x 171 n. Aen. 1 15 16 quam Iuno fertur terris magis omnibus unam | posthabita coluisse Samo. The Heraeon at Samos was Hdt. 111 60 § 6 μÉYLOTOS TÁVTWV vnŵv tŵv nμeîs toμev. See a Samian coin in Müller Denkm. Heft 1 n. 8. Priap. 75 2. Lact. 1 17 § 8 insulam Samum scribit Varro prius Partheniam nominatam, quod ibi Iuno adoleverit ibique etiam Iovi nupserit. itaque nobilissimum et antiquissimum templum eius est Sami et simulacrum in habitu nubentis figuratum et sacra eius anniversaria nuptiarum ritu celebrantur. ib. 15 § 9. Spanh. on Callim. Dian. 228. Del. 48. Aug. civ. D. VI 7 sacra sunt Iunonis et haec in eius dilecta insula Samo celebrabantur, ubi nuptum data est Iovi. Ath. 655ab and 672ab quotes a monograph on the temple by Menodotus. The statue of the Samian Here, by Lysippus and Bupalus, removed to Constantinople Cedren. 1 564 Bonn. Westermann in Pauly vi 735. Cic. Verr. 1 § 50. v § 184. Tac. ann. Iv 14. The temple contained many pictures and statues and was plundered by Verres and by Antonius Strabo 637. Apul. m. VI 4. A Samian inscription in honour of Lollia priestess of Here Archegetes καὶ Θεᾶς Ιουλίας Σεβαστῆς Rhein. Mus. 1867 314. GENETRIX Hera mother of Ares by Zeus Il. v 896; or without a father Ov. f. v 233-260. HARENA Tert. pall. 1 p. 921 Oehler nulla iam Delos, harenae Samos, owing to the earthquake of A.D. 178. Sibyll. III 363 ἔσται καὶ Σάμος ἄμμος. Iv 91.

VIII 166.

7-34 The first privilege common to all ranks in the army alike: they hold so fast to one another, that no civilian dare accuse them or give evidence against them.

7 COMMODA Tac. ann. 1 26 the mutinous soldiers A.D. 14 exclaim novum id plane, quod imperator sola militis commoda ad senatum reiciat. 27 quo pergeret? ad imperatorem an ad patres? ut illic quoque