who, as well as the Imbrians and Lemnians, and some few of the other allies, had come to the assistance of the Athenians). Then the Mytilenians made a sally in full force upon the Athenian camp, and a battle arose, in which the Mytilenians, though they were not worsted 2, would not venture to encamp in the field, but, distrustful of their own strength 4, retired within the walls. After this they kept quiet, intending, if reinforcements should come from Peloponnesus, again, with fresh preparations, to try their fortune. For by this time Meleas, a Lacedæmonian, and Hermæondas, a Theban, had arrived, who had been despatched before the revolt, but not being able to arrive before the Athenian fleet, had afterwards got secretly into harbour after the engagement. These urged the Mytilenians to send out another trireme, and ambassadors with them; which they did.

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VI. The Athenians, exceedingly encouraged by the Mytilenians lying quiet, summoned to their aid their allies, who

from Herod. 1, 151., subjected one of the six states into which Lesbos had been divided, namely Arisba, situated in the interior.

2 Not worsted.] The words our λaσσov ëxovreç might, by meiosis, denote that they had the better; at least it must import that there was a drawn battle, neither party being able to claim the victory.

So the

3 Encamp in the field.] Or, “in the face of the enemy." Schol. In this manner avλílaodai is used at 4, 134., and Arrian Ind. 13, 2. τόπον - ὅσον μέγαλα στρατοπέδα ἐπαυλίσασθαι. The reason why they did so is just after subjoined, that they were diffident of themselves. Now, it must be observed, that this not encamping on the field, but retiring, was held to give up all claim to the victory, which had been doubtful. So at 4, 134. it is said, respecting a battle between the Tegaans and Mantineans: καὶ ἀγχωμάλου τῆς μάχης γενομένης, καὶ ἀφελομένης νυκτὸς τὸ ἔργον, οἱ Τεγεῖται μὲν ἐπηυλίσαντό τε, καὶ εὐθὺς ἔστησαν τροπαῖον. Hence may be illustrated, and, perhaps, emended, an obscure passage of Lucian, t. 2, 100, 95. ἐπηυλισάμεθα τῇ μάχῃ, καὶ τροπαῖον ἐστήσαμεν. The Lesbians felt this as an acknowledgment of defeat, by afterwards keeping close within their walls; as did also the Athenians, by their taking fresh courage from it.

4 Strength.] i. e. strength of forces; as in Xen. Hipp. 7, 13. and 8, 24. τὸ ἰσχυρὸν and τὰ ἰσχυρά. Also Dio Cass. 263, 14. οὐδὲν ἰσχυρὸν παρεσκευ άσαντο. and 426, 71. οὐδὲν ἰσχυρὸν εἶχεν. and 509, 85. ἰσχυρόν τι παραXabtiv. Mitford paraphrases, "they began to have a worse opinion of their affairs."

5 Intending, if, &c.] Goeller construes thus: & IIeλ. ei πpoσyévoiró TI, καὶ μετ ̓ ἄλλης παρασκευῆς (εἰ προσγένοιτο), βουλόμενοι κινδυνεύειν.

6 Had been despatched.] Namely, by the Lacedæmonians and Thebans. Smith erroneously interprets it of their having been despatched on business by the Lesbians; the contrary to which plainly appears from c. 13., where it is said the Boeotians solicited them to revolt.

joined them with so much the more alacrity, as they perceived no indications of strength on the part of the Mytilenians. Having brought round the fleet to an anchorage on the south side of the city, they fortified two camps on either side of the city, stationing blockading squadrons at both ports. Thus they hindered the Mytilenians from the use of the sea, who, however, being already reinforced by the other Lesbians, were masters over the land, excepting that the Athenians occupied that in the immediate vicinity of their camps (which was not much 4); for the promontory of Malea was only a roadstead for their

cum

1 Having brought round, &c.] The translators have been not a little perplexed with περιορμίσαντες τὸ νότον τῆς πολέως; while the commentators avoid the difficulty by passing over the words. Portus renders, classe circumdedissent australem urbis partem." And so most other translators, as Smith and Gail. But that would require περιορμησάμενοι, which is indeed found in some MSS., but is inapposite, because, in the same sentence, it is said that they stationed blockading squadrons at both ports, namely, both the north and south. Such, therefore, cannot be the meaning, in order to attain which, we must consider the idiom of the word. Now opμízw vavv signifies to bring a ship into port, or into anchorage; and opμíoaoai is used in the sense come to anchor, or mooring. See 1, 46. 2, 41. 7, 34. 2, 86. 1, 51. 3, 76. 7, 30. This is sometimes used with sic, denoting the place of anchorage. Of the same import is ¿popμíZeodai ¿ç Xipéva (see Steph. Thes. nov. ed.), also ra‡opμíšɛiv πроe̱, and Thucyd. 1. 6. καθορμισαμένου ταῖς ναυσίν. See Schaefer there. Με ορμίζεσθαι c is used of change of port or anchorage. Thus εpopμí must mean in stationem circumago, as Steph. Thes. explains, who also cites Demosth. ap. Pollux, περιορμ. τὴν ναῦν ἐπὶ τὸ χῶμα. And so in p. 1229, 9. 1250, 9. And such is, no doubt, the sense in the present passage, where, at rò vórov must be understood πì, or some such preposition; unless 7 be the true reading. The epi has reference to the promontory of Malea, which they had to double.

It may be observed, that they took the south side of the place for their mooring, because there was better anchorage there.

2 Two camps.] These were both, doubtless, in connection with the respective squadron moored at the two ports. Of the custom of forming separate camps where a city could not be regularly invested, we have elsewhere vestiges. So Plutarch Luc. 9. Κυζικήνους δὲ Μ. δέκα μέν ἐκ γῆς στρατοπέδοις περιλαβὼν, ταὶς δὲ ναυσὶν, κ. τ. λ.

3. Blockading squadrons.] Literally, "their blockading ships;" for the article has here the sense of the pronoun possessive. See Middleton.

4 Which was not much.] The words ou Toλù should be pointed off from the rest of the sentence. Here, perhaps, πi is to be understood, and (as the Schol. says) μépoç yñç.

5 Only.] Or, rather than any thing else.

6 Roadstead.] That τὸ ναύσταθμον was more Attic than ὁ ναύσταθμος, has been sufficiently shown by Duker, who has, however, not remarked that the word was used of a situation which could not perhaps properly be called a port, as being only safe in certain winds, while, in others, it was a mere roadstead; in short, to use the words of Virgil, "tantum sinus, et

barks, serving also for a market. And this was the state of the war at Mytilene.7

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VII. About the same period of this summer, the Athenians despatched thirty ships to Peloponnesus', under the command of Asopius the son of Phormio; the Acarnanians having desired some one to be sent them as commander, who should be either a son or other relative of Phormio. And as the ships were coasting, they ravaged the maritime parts of Laconia. Afterwards Asopius sent back home the greater part of the ships, retaining twelve only, with which he arrived at Naupactus. Then raising the whole force of the Acarnanians, he proceeded against Eniada, attacking it on the sea side by the fleet up the Achelous, as the land forces ravaged the territory. When, however, they listened not to terms of surrender, he dismissed the army; but proceeding with the fleet to Leucas, and making a descent on Nericus, he was slain there in retreat, together with a part of his forces, by those of the country who had assembled for defence, and some guards there stationed. After this the Athenians, having

statio male fida carinis." The Town has reference to the transports belonging to the fleet, or which touched there to supply the armament with provisions. ̓Αγορᾶς is for εἰς ἀγορὰν, "in loco mercatus."

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7 And this was, &c.] Literally, was the posture of affairs respecting the war at Mytilene."

To Peloponnesus.] i. e. to cruise about Peloponnesus. "This new crisis (observes Mitford) roused the spirit of the Athenian administration and people. It was indeed become of the utmost importance to show that they had still resolution to dare, and still strength to execute. The formidable state of their navy at this time, which enabled so small a commonwealth to command such extensive dominion, and to resist such a powerful confederacy, is, indeed, truly wonderful, and does the highest honour to the foresight and exertions of Themistocles, by whom it was first raised, and of Pericles, by whom principally it was maintained and improved."

2 A son or other relative of Phormio.] This seems to show that Phormio was, by this time, too much worn out to encounter service so harassing as that of predatory cruising.

3 Raising.] This sense of aviornm is seldom found but in Thucydides. It occurs, however, in Arrian E. A. 5, 22. πоλà čevη ávaσrýoavτai, in societatem adscitis. It is well explained by the Schol. here, is ovuμaxíav διεγείρειν.

4 Nericus.] Not Nericum, as Smith writes. This place is mentioned by Homer Od. . 376., and, according to Strabo, Pliny, and others, was the same with what was afterwards called the city of Leucas. See Berkley on Steph. Byz. in v., and Wasse on 3, 97. It is, however, truly observed by Poppo, that this seems at variance with Thucydides, who mentions both.

received their dead from the Leucadians by treaty, sailed away.

VIII. Now those ambassadors of the Mytilenians who were sent out on board the first ship, being desired1 by the Lacedæmonians to repair to Olympia, in order that the other allies also might hear their representations and take counsel, accordingly went thither. It was the olympiad when Dorieus, the Rhodian, was victor the second time. And after the festival2, being permitted to address the meeting, they spoke as follows:

IX. "Well we know, Lacedæmonians1 and allies, the established usage among the Greeks, that those who in war receive rebels and deserters of their former alliance, so long, indeed, as they are profited by them, hold them in favour 2, but, regarding them as betrayers of their former friends, think

tr

1 Being desired, &c.] "They found," says Mitford, no very earnest disposition to engage in their cause. The Lacedæmonian government would neither of itself undertake it, nor call a congress of the confederacy. The Mytilenians were coldly told that the season of the Olympian festival was at hand; they might go to Olympia, where they would find some principal persons of every state of the Lacedæmonian alliance, and so they might have opportunity to learn how each was disposed."

2 After the festival.] i. e. after the religious observances had been performed, and the solemn games and ceremonies exhibited. Hence it appears, that after those duties were ended, the assemblage did not immediately separate, but held communication both on political and private matters; as it was likely men would do who were assembled together so rarely. Smith has here a long philippic on the "baseness of the Spartans in thus abusing, for private ends and party feuds, a most noble and sacred institution." But such is the influence of worldly passions in every age. Besides, the Lacedæmonians, it may be observed, were by no means eager to engage in the business.

This admirable oration contains, the Scholiast observes, three heads or topics. 1. Justice; q. d. we have justly abandoned the alliance of Athens. 2. Possibility; q. d. we ask you to engage in a project which is possible and practicable; for the Athenians are weakened by the pestilence, and their force is dispersed in various parts. 3. Profit; namely, that it is expedient to receive a power which can render you eminent service, and also thereby cut off one main source of Athenian revenue. The conclusion is occupied in exasperation and exhortation.

Well we know, Lacedæmonians, &c.] The commencement of this oration is imitated by Livy, 1. 27, 17. "Scire enim se transfugæ nomen exsecrabile veteribus sociis, novis suspectum."

2 Hold them in favour.] Literally, hold in liking, caress them.

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the worse of them. Nor is this opinion unjust, if the seceders, and those from whom they separate themselves, be likeminded and one in affection 4, and are equally balanced 5 in resources and power, and if there be no sufficient reason for the abandonment. Now with us and the Athenians this was not the case; nor let us be thought worse of, because, after being honourably treated by them in peace and security, we stand apart from them in adversity and perils.

7

X. "Now, for the first point of our speech (and especially as we are come to seek for alliance), it shall be to establish the justice and rectitude of the measure: for well we know that neither any friendship of private persons, nor any connection of states, is at all stable, unless the union be formed with something like honour and rectitude', and the parties be in other respects of similar dispositions 2; for from differences of mind arise disagreements in action.3 As for the

3 Regarding them as, &c.] This sense of xsipov, in which the idea of comparison is scarely discernible, is Attic and elegant. So Lysias adv. Diog. εἰδὼς ὅτι οὐ μόνον οἱ ἀδικοῦντες χείρους ὑμῖν εἶναι δοκοῦσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ oitives, &c. The sentiment is thus imitated by Procop. p. 177, 39. ỏ yàp τοῦ προδότου τετυχηκὼς, τῇ μὲν χάριτι ἐς τὸ παραυτίκα νικήσας ἥσθη· ὑποψίᾳ δὲ ὕστερον τῇ ἐκ τῶν πεπραγμένων μισεῖ. Thus it has ever been ; for, in the words of Tacit. Annal. 1, 58., proditores etiam iis quos anteponunt, invisi sunt; or, in those of a great general, "they love the treason, but they hate the traitor."

4 Like-minded, and, &c.] The classical reader will readily bring to mind the "idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est" of the Roman orator, who seems to have had this passage of his favourite writer in view.

5 Equally balanced.] Or matched. This signification occurs frequently in Thucydides; as 1, 91 and 142. 5, 8. 7, 38., &c. It has been thought necessary to the friendship even of private persons, that some sort of equality should exist. So Aristot. ap. Diog. Laert. 5, 31. rǹv qıλiav wpíšɛto ἱσότητα εὐνοίας ἀντίστροφον.

6 Sufficient reason.] A principle uncertain enough to suit the most lax virtue; since what reason will not appear valid to the interested?

7 Honourably treated.] Or, respected and cherished. What could induce Goeller to render it menacés, it is not easy to imagine.

With something like, &c.] So Dionys. Hal. 1, 520. týý ápetǹv dokoúsav. The apɛτǹ is rendered by Goeller redlich absicht.

2 Of similar dispositions.]_Such is the sense of óμοióτρoños. So Herod. 8, 144, 7. ‡ɛɑ òμóтроñа. Theophr. Eth. Char. rоÙÇ оμотρóπovs, Pind. Olymp. 13. òμórроπоs Eipava. The whole passage is imitated by Procop. 281, 6. 79, 1. 145, 31. 209, 21. Dexipp. ap. Hist. Byz. Par. t 1. p. 10. C. 3 Differences of, &c.] So Philostr. Vit. Soph. p. 507. ¿1⁄2 newv yàp ἀλλήλοις ἀντιξόων φύεται μῖσος αἴτιον οὐκ ἔχον. The phrase, ἐν τῷ διαλλασ‐