edly expressed by the house, by using his utmost endeavours to obtain the universal abolition of the slave trade." This was agreed to. Mr. Baring approved of the main points of the treaty.

Mr. S. Wortley gave it his entire approbation, as it was conducted on principles he had always advocated.

Mr. P. Grant said, that the overthrow of the power of Bonaparte had been caused chiefly by himself, and not by the plaas of any government. It was painful to object to the treaty, yet there were some points of it which he thought imprudent, and others which he deemed disgraceful. He disapproved that clause which supported the claim of Sweden to Norway. Next to that disgraceful article about the slave dealing, was this most ruinous and shameful measure, against which he entered his solemn pro

test.

Mr. Canning was of opinion that it was the most glorious treaty that England had ever concluded. The prospect which the treaty held cut, in the settlement of the ancient governments of Europe, in the restoration of genuine tranquillitywas peculiarly cheering to every friend of humanity, of social order, and rational liberty. Thus the great objects of the war, which, overleaping the truce of Amiens, had for twenty years been steadily and uniformly pursued, were at length happily attained. Thus the principles upon which the war was undertaken were established-thus our pledges were redeemed-thus our perseverance was rewarded; and such a great and gratifying result, so much exceeding the most sanguine calculations, could only be attributed to the interposition of an over-ruling providence.

Mr. Ponsonby was of opinion that a treaty which had such an article in it about the slave trade, could never be termed an honourable

He alluded to the partition of Poland, and hoped that the nations of Europe would see the justice and policy of returning to the condition they were in before that partition, which first endangered the peace of Europe: Bonaparte's system was not a bit more mischievous than that which dictated the partition of Poland: it was indeed the very same. The treaty itself, as far as it related to this country and France, he entirely approved.

Mr. Whitbread avowed, that in every respect, except that article which regarded the slave trade, and to which the noble lord ought never to have put his name; the noble lord (Castlereagh) had fully and completely deserved that confidence which he had reposed in him. There was one part of his history which, in his (Mr. W.'s) opinion, redounded more to his ho nour than all the rest of that important business, which (except in the article already alluded to) hehad brought to so glorious an issueand that was, that when he went to negotiate, he fairly tried the experiment of doing so with the then ruler of France; and though the papers had not been produced, he (Mr. W.) was fully convinced the negotiation at Chatillon had been broken off only in consequence of the folly, madness, or what else, of Bonaparte himself. He (Mr. W.) had often recommended to ministers to make a peace with the ruler of France, if that could be done: there was no evidence of the impracticability of such a measure, till the noble lord had tried it: being then found impracticable, no man

rejoiced

rejoiced more in the restoration of the Bourbons, coupled as it was with the safety of Paris from destruction, than he did. With respect to the treaty which the noble lord had concluded, except in the article regarding the slave trade, it met with his (Mr. W.'s) approbation. The honourable gentleman then went on to point out a number of questions which would necessarily come to be considered at the approaching congress; particularly the partition of Polandthat touchstone of the real magnanimity of kings-the spoliation of Sardinia-the integrity of Genoa, for which the faith of Great Britain was pledged-the article for the subjugation of Norway-and the cession of Guadaloupe to France, that island and the permission to carry on the slave trade being granted to France, in order to procure her concurrence and assistance in the subjugation of Norway, while Russia seemed to have given her assistance in the same measure, as a consideration for her right to retain Finland.

Lord Castlereagh thanked the house for the indulgence it had shown to him. He had already given his opinion on the article respecting the slave trade. The great cause in which Europe had so long been engaged had been triumphant, because it was founded on the immutable principle of right, and not by the conduct of any man or set of men. While Bonaparte continued ruler of France it was their duty to treat with him as such, though he was well satisfied, that no peace made with him would have been satisfactory. By the treaty, Holland had been restored; and the colonial cessions made to France would have the effect of giving her commercial facilities, and thus be

productive of peaceful views. If this country had for twenty years endured the most heavy burdens, it had at least the satisfaction to feel that its character was unstained. We had closed the war as conquerors; but we had received the benedictions not only of those with whom, but ultimately of thoseagainst whom, we had fought. The spell had been dissolved by which France and Great Britain had hitherto been considered as necessarily enemies. He was sure the house would feel that the honourable situation in which this country was placed, was in a great degree attributable to the firmness of the illustrious person at the head of the government, who had taken charge of the vessel of the state at a moment of the utmost peril, and who by his earnestness in the discharge of his public duty, by his determination in sustaining his allies, by an unrelaxing system of foreign policy, had restored peace, not only to this country but to Europe, and had, in consequence, the lasting gratification of having fulfilled the dearest wish of his sovereign father.

Mr. W. Smith expressed his perfect conviction, that if, at the commencement of the war, affairs had been conducted in the spirit manifested by the noble lord, the contest would many years since have been brought to a happy termination; and the country would have happily saved a hundred millions of debt and thousands of lives.

An address as amended was then agreed to.Adjourned.

July 1.-Lord Castlereagh stated, that in consequence of the intimation of the house, his grace the duke of Wellington was in attend

ance.

The speaker-" Is it the pleasure I 3

of the house that his grace be called in?"

A loud and universal "aye!" The huzzas in the lobby announced his grace's approach. On his entrance, dressed in his field-mar shal's uniform, profusely decorated with military orders, and bowing repeatedly to the house, all the members, uncovered, rose, and enthusiastically cheered him.

The speaker, "My lord, the house has ordered a chair to be placed for you to repose on."

-

The duke seated himself, in the chair, which was placed a few feet within the bar, and put his hat on. The members of the house then seated themselves; his grace instantly rose, took off his hat, and addressed the speaker to the following effect :-" Mr. speaker, I was anxious to be permitted to attend this house, in order to return my thanks in person for the honour done me in deputing a committee of the house to congratulate me on my return to this country. After the house had animated my exertions by their applause on every occasion that appeared to them to meet their approbation; and after they had recently been so liberal in the bill by which they followed up the gracious favour of his royal highness the prince regent in conferring upon me the noblest gift a subject has ever received, I hope I shall not be thought presumptuous if I take this opportunity of expressing my admiration at the great efforts made by this house, and by the country, at a moment of unexampled pressure and difficulty, in order to support, on a great scale, those operations by which the contest in which we were engaged has been brought to so for tunate a conclusion. By the wise policy of parliament, government

were enabled to give the necessary support to the operations carried on under my direction. The confidence reposed in me by his majesty's ministers and by the commander-in-chief, the gracious favours conferred on me by his royal highness the prince regent, and the reliance I had on the support of my gallant friends the general officers, and the bravery of the officers and troops of the army, encouraged me to carry on the operations in which I was engaged in such a manner as to draw from this house those repeated marks of their approbation for which I now return them my sincere thanks. Sir, it is impossible for me to express the gratitude which I feel. I can only assure the house, that I shall always be ready to serve my king and country in any capacity in which my services may be considered as useful or necessary."

Loud cheers followed this speech, at the conclusion of which,

The speaker rose, took off his hat, and addressed the duke of Wellington as follows: "My lord, since last I had the honour of addressing you from this place, a series of eventful years have clapsed; but none without some mark and note of your rising glory. The military triumphs which your valour has achieved upon the banks of the Douro, and the Tagus, of the Ebro, and the Garonne, have called for the spontaneous shouts of admiring nations. Those triumphs it is needless on this day to recount. Their names have been written by your conquering sword in the annals of Europe, and we shall hand them down with exultation to our chil dren's children. It is, not, however, the grandour of military success which has alone fixed our admiration, or commanded our ap

plauses;

as no message had been brought down from the crown, the house went into a committee on the papers laid on the table respecting the princess of Wales.

Lord Castlereagh then went into some details regarding the princess's pecuniary affairs, which he had before noticed. On the present occasion, he said he thought it would be desirable to raise her royal highness's income during the separation to the amount which it would reach in the event of another calamity (the death of the prince regent ;) for it was not consistent with the interest or dignity of the royal family, nor was it indeed the province of parliament, to entertain questions respecting differences in such quarters. He should therefore propose that a net income of 50,0007. per annum be paid to her royal highness the princess of Wales, out of the consolidated fund, and' that the public be indemnified to the amount of the sum (22,0001.) now paid to the princess out of the income of the

regent.

Mr. Whitbread said, that her royal highness had never authorized any one to make any proposition on the subject of increasing her income. She had been satisfied with her allowance. As to the "separation" alluded to by the noble lord, her royal highness was

any legal measure on such a term, or to prevent her royal highness from the enjoyment of any of her just rights? The noble lord had spoken of the "generosity" which had been shown to her royal highness: but he should recollect, that when the princess left Carlton-house she had to provide every domestic thing but some knives and forks, which were the only articles given to her.

Lord Castlereagh did not intend to found any argument on the statement he had made, yet he thought it just that the prince regent should have full credit for the exertions which he had made for the princess. He repeated, that never any husband had surrendered up so much for a wife as his royal highness had. done; and that whatever was the cause or result of the separation, it had never been his intention to visit the princess with any pecuniary inconvenience.

Mr. Whitbread said, that he had asked for protection, for mercy, for justice, from that house, for the princess of Wales; but he had never asked for money, nor had it been ever contemplated by the friends of her royal highness. When first she heard of the proposition, she said, "I shall not be allowed to starve in this country, I shall not be obliged to beg my bread, and I will not compromise my