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an assembly, in which the voice of the people might declare itself with freedom, but with order, to point out to the prince the means of promoting his object, which is the good of the country. The first step towards this important object was made by the union of the states of all the different parts of the country, to which are given the rights of granting money, and other points of legislation. One of their principal objects of deliberation would regard the means of repaying those who, in confidence in good faith, lent the public their property to supply the public wants. The prince regent, for his part, considered the good faith, which the sovereigns of Hanover had never violated, as so sacred, that he declared his disposition to contribute even from the revenues of his domains, that these claims might be fulfilled. The next ob ject was to place Hanover in the most secure condition against any future attack which might be made upon it. Britain, to which Hanover had already in common with the rest of Europe been so much indebted, had generously replaced the necessary warlike stores carried off by the enemy, and thus "enabled the men who could bring nothing but their good will, to join the list of combatants." He concluded by informing them, that it would be their business to consider of the changes in the administration of justice, which the present times rendered necessary or adviseable, and to deliberate on useful institutions for the good of the country. What the regent intended would be communicated to them by his counsellors; while he would lend an attentive ear on other subjects. The list of full powers, which had been pre

sented and approved, and the necessary regulation for the order of the states of the kingdom, would be communicated to them: according to these, they were to begin by choosing a president. "But, first, let us with united devotion implore the blessings of the Most High on the sacred work of the first assembly of the states of the kingdom of Hanover."

At the end of this speech his royal highness repaired in procession with the whole assembly to the church of the palace, where thẹ hymn, Nun danket alle Gott, "Now thank all God," was sung, being particularly chosen, "because the venerable father of the royal house, and of the country, his majesty George the Third, with his strong sense of piety, set a particular value upon it."

Afterwards the deputies chose their president, who addressed his royal highness to the following im port. He began by stating the ob ligations which the inhabitants of Hanover were under to the prince regent for calling the deputies to gether, and to the British nation for the decided, persevering, and glorious part which she had taken in the contest, which had terminated in the triumph of peace and order. He next assured his royal highness, that in all their de liberations and proceedings they would use their utmost endeavours to second his good intentions for the prosperity of Hanover; and he concluded by stating, that they considered the presence of his royal highness as a pledge of the gracious regard of their beloved sovereign and the prince regent. The conclusion of the reply of the duke of Cambridge to this address deserves to be quoted :

Assembled deputies of the kingdom,

HISTORY

kingdom, the whole country has its eyes on you. From you it looks for deliberations on the new measures which the prince regent has to take in concert with you.

"You will weigh the relations of all classes, and maintain them in just equilibrium, having in view the good of the whole, which is founded on the good of the single parts. Never forget that the regent feels himself intimately connected with his subjects. If the difficult times require great sacrifices in the increase of the revenues, consider that the sovereign demands nothing for himself; that we ask only what the country requires.

"If some privileges must be sacrificed to form a better internal order, remember that the prince regent gives up rights which others consider as an essential part of the royal dignity, by assembling you here to be to him, here, what the parliament is in the sister kingdom Great Britain, the high council of the nation."

We would fain hope that this example set by the prince regent, of assembling the states of his German dominions, will be follow ed by the other German sovereigns. In no country are there better materials for free constitutions than in Germany, whether we look to the manly character of the inhabitants, or their general simplicity of manners and good education. Certainly no part of the population of Europe contributed so much to the destruction of Bonaparte as the inhabitants of Germany: men of all ranks and classes came forward in defence of their country;-not like the Spaniards, goaded on by their priests, and by a species of blind and almost instinctive hatred of the French, and attachment to Ferdinand; but by a feeling more en,

lightened, more honourable, and. which we trust will entitle them to the gratitude of their respective sovereigns. Of all her heroes, in the highest and purest sense of the word, none have a juster and stronger claim to be honoured as martyrs in the holy cause of liberty. than Schill.

The exploits of the combined armies in the late campaign have naturally thrown into shade the services to which Germany owed her fame in former wars, and might have, under a wiser conduct, owed her independence. But the memory of Schill is still honoured as that of the most distinguished and gallant partisan that all those wars produced. As he died under the reign of Bonaparte, all public honours would have only drawn down vengeance: but the spirit of the people was not to be totally quenched, and the actions of this officer were recorded in all the more secret and safer forms of memorial. A pillar, in an open field near Stra.sund, bore the following inscription (in German). The popular attention was too strongly attracted to it, and it was shortly removed.

INSCRIPTION.

Who rests this nameless mound beneath, Thus rudely piled upon the heath, Naked to wind's and water's sweep? Does here some gloomy outcast sleep? Yet many a footstep freshly round Marks it as loved-as holiest ground. Stranger! this mound is all the grave Of one who lived as live the brave, Nor ever heart's devoted tide Stranger! no stone might dare to tell More nobly pour'd than when he died., His name who on this red spot fell! These steps are steps of German men, That when the Tyrant's in his den Come crowding round with midnight To vow their vengeance o'er the dead. Dead! No: that Spirit's lightning still. Soldier! thou seest the grave of ScHILL

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It was generally supposed that the affairs of Switzerland would be settled at the congress of Vienna; but before its opening the Swiss themselves formed a federal compact. On the 8th of September this important document was sign ed by the deputies of all the 19 cantons at Zurich: the quotas of the respective contingents were fixed, in men and money, for the present, subject to annual revision. The whole armed force was to be 30,000 men, and the contribution for its support 490 thousand francs. In case of danger external or internal, each canton was entitled to claim the aid of the confederates: all differences or claims between canton and canton were to be decided by the confederation: no alliance between separate cantons, unfavourable to the interests of the confederation, was to be formed. The principle is acknowledged, according to which, there is no longer any subject in Switzerland; and thus the enjoyment of rights cannot any longer be the exclusive privilege of any particular class of the citizens of a canton. The diet declares war, concludes peace, makes alliances with foreign states: but in these important matters two-thirds of the voices are required to determine; in all others, an absolute majority.

We shall conclude this chapter with a brief sketch of the state of the peninsula, after it had been restored, along with the rest of Europe, to the blessings of peace. As for Spain, it may well be doubted whether she has benefited by the restoration of the "beloved Ferdinand:" or whether the universal 'Spanish nation have profited in the least by the discipline they underwent from Bonaparte. As soon as he found that his affairs were

desperate, he liberated Ferdinand, and sent him back to Spain; and there is good reason to believe that Ferdinand purchased his liberation on terms more favourable to Bonaparte than to Britain, who had done so much for him, or to his own nation. 'Scarcely had he entered Spain, before he plainly discovered the line of government he meant to pursue. The re-establishment of civil and religious tyranny, if pos sible more complete and firm than it had existed before the invasion of the French, was his favourite object: all the labours of the cortes for the liberty of their country were overthrown; and those men who had been the most instrumental in achieving the liberation of Spain, and to whom consequently Ferdi. nand was the most indebted, were treated in the most cruel manner : he, in fact, seemed decidedly of opinion that Spain had been polluted by those statesmen and warriors who had stood forth in his cause, while he took into his confidence many of those who had betrayed him into the power of Bonaparte. To crown his absurd tyranny, the inquisition was re-established! And it may be asked, What was the conduct of the Spanish nation under these circumstances? Did they stand up in defence of their liberties? They were held forth, while opposing Bonaparte, as animated by the genuine and enlightened love of independence.-Did that feeling rouse them to resist Ferdinand; or, at least, to express their disapprobation of his proceedings? Far from it: they in general applauded all his measures, and rejoiced in the re-establishment of the inquisition.

After stating the general line of conduct which Ferdinand pursued, it will not surprise our readers to learn, that he did all in his power

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War between America and Britain-The Importance of it not sufficiently attended to-Our Ignorance of the State of America-Causes of it-Refusal of the Mediation of the Emperor Alexander by the British GovernmentMr. Maddison's Message to Congress—Impression created in America by the Downfall of Bonaparte-Naval Actions between American and British Ships-The Capture of the Reindeer of the Essex-of the Avon-Great Success of the American Privateers-Plan of the British Government for carrying on the War with greater Vigour-Remarks on its Justice and Policy.

WH

THILE the contest with Bonaparte continued, the warfare between Great Britain and America was little thought of; and when it entered into the thoughts of the inhabitants of the former country, it by no means was permitted to bear that importance which it deserved. It was argued with more national vanity than prudence, and with a lamentable ignorance of the real state of the feelings of the people of America, that Britain, so long the undisputed mistress of the ocean, would soon sweep the seas of all the American ships; and that those troops which had so gloriously on the continent of Europe proved that Bonaparte was not invincible, would no sooner show themselves in America, than the soldiers of the United States, which had already displayed their

inability to cope even with the provincial troops of Canada, would be driven far within their own frontiers. The expectation of success and triumph over the Americans went further than this in the minds of many; for, believing that the war with Britain was much more generally and decidedly unpopular than it actually was, they hoped that our troops would be able even to dictate peace at the capital of the United States; or, at least, that we should by our victories induce and encourage the inhabitants of the northern states to separate from those of the southern.

These opinions and expectations in a great measure arose from the people, and even the government, of Britain deriving their knowledge of the sentiments of the Americans entirely or principally from

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the party papers of the northern states. Indeed, if we were to judge from the English newspapers, we should conclude that no newspapers were published in any part of America except where the sentiments of the people were averse to the war with Britain. Led astray by these newspapers, on the eve of every new election our ill-informed and sanguine politicians anticipated the defeat and downfall of the republican party; and even after the event had proved that they were deceived, they still loved the error so much, that on the eve of the next election they were as sanguine in their anticipations as ever.

They did not consider that, with the majority of the people of America, dislike if not hatred of England was a much more natural feeling than attachment to her; and that, so far as interest was concerned, it was only the inhabitants of the more improved parts of the country, and of the cities, that would be led by it to deprecate a war with Britain: all the rest of the inhabitants of the United States could not possibly feel their interest materially impaired by such a war, since they had within themselves almost every thing that in their opinion constituted the necessaries and comforts of life; and they had not yet advanced to that stage of society in which a strong and gene ral desire begins to prevail for its luxuries. Besides, by the continuance of the war, and especially by the mode in which it was carried on, several classes who at its commencement had been hostile to it became reconciled to its continuance. In the first place, the ship-owners and merchants, whose interests had been cut up by the interruption of commerce, received no inadequate compensation by, the richness and

number of the captures which they made; and in the second place, in consequence of the interruption of trade with Britain, many new manufactures were set on foot, and old ones improved, which afforded employment and wealth to a great number who suffered at the commencement of the war.

Still, however, the government of America must have foreseen that the war, if prolonged for many years, would entail on the United States burdens, which the inhabit, ants in their stage of society would neither be disposed nor able to bear. Though the people in general possessed real wealth, that is, the necessaries and comforts of life, they had but little of the signs of wealth, or money; and it is evident that, unless on very extraordinary occasions, such as occurred when America fought for her independence, or during the French revolution, a people with little money cannot endure a long and expensive warfare. Besides, the manner in which the war had been conducted by the Americans against Canada seemed to prove that there was great incapacity, not merely in the generals who commanded, but also in those branches of the executive which had planned the expeditions and appointed the generals. For these and other reasons, therefore, Mr. Maddison proposed that the emperor of Russia should mediate between Great Britain and America. But this proposal was decidedly objected to by the British government; though at the same time they professed, as they had always done, an anxious desire to put an end to the war.

To this refusal of the mediation of the emperor of Russia Mr. Maddison alluded in the opening of the message which he sent to both

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