pressing his sentiments in opposition to the adjournment.

Dec. 17.-The chancellor of the exchequer moved, that the house, on its rising, should adjourn to Monday next, on which day it was the intention of his noble friend to move an adjournment till the 1st of March.

The chancellor of the exchequer hoped to be indulged in saying a few words relative to certain misapprehensions which had gone abroad with respect to what had fallen from him on a preceding evening. He was informed, how ever, that such an alarm was excited, that many persons had determined to refuse, to a certain degree, all the copper currency of the realm. Certainly nothing which had fallen from him could at all justify such a proceeding; but, as it had taken place, he now wished to be distinctly understood as declaring, that (unless he had been totally misinformed on the subject) the refusal of v hat were called the Tower helfpence was illegal, they being declared current by his majesty's proclamation, and that, consequently, persons were bound to receive them as such. He hoped, therefore, such practices would cease; but he would further state, for the satisfaction of those who might happen to hold large quantities of that coin, that it was the intention of government to receive them, when called in, at their full current value. The house was aware that it would require some time and attention before every thing could be duly arranged for such a measure; but he hoped that till that time, no needless alarm would exist in the public mind, nor any obstruction take place in the free circulation of the current copper coin of the realm.

Lord Holland adverted to a paper stated to be a declaration of the al lied powers; and wished to know, whether the paper in question was or was not authentic? If it was authentic, whether the government of this country was a party to it? The declaration contained these words: "The first use which their imperial and royal majesties have made of victory, has been to offer peace to his majesty the emperor of the French." He need not read the rest of the wise and magnanimous language of that declaration. But another question arose out of the words which he had read, Whether or no the offer had been rejected, or whether a negociation was actually going on?

Lord Liverpool replied, that the paper was, he believed, authentic ; this was the answer to the first question. To the second, he answered, that the declaration was framed and issued at Frankfort, without any previous communication, as to this particular act, with the government of this country. But at the same time he thought it right to observe, that the other allied powers were fully in possession of the general sentiments of the British government on this subject. As to the other question of the noble lord, relative to an offer of peace, and the rejection of it, or any thing relative to negociation, whether going on or not, he felt it his duty to abstain from giving any answer what

Lord Liverpool, in rising to move a longer adjournment than ordinary, was desirous of stating briefly the reasons on which the motion 'was founded. It was known to their lordships, that parliament had met at a period unusually early; that it therefore had sat, and would on the whole sit, as many or more days than usual; and that it had done much more public and private business than was usual at so early a period. This was one reason for a longer adjournment than usual, Another reason was, a shorter adjournment would not serve in the least to facilitate the object of public business, or to render the period of prorogation more early. Without saying what further pecuniary arrangements were to be made, or whether any further arrangements would be necessary, yet if any such should be found necessary, it would be inconvenient that they should take place before the month of May. An adjournment, therefore, only till the middle of January, or till the beginning of February, would make no difference as to the duration of the session, As to the private or judicial business, the house, as he had already stated, would, upon the whole, sit as many days as usual, so that no extraordinary inconvenience need be apprehended on that score. He concluded by moving, that the house adjourn till the 1st of March.

Lord Darnley opposed the motion, and moved, as an amendment, that the "1st of February" should be substituted. His lordship made various observations in support of his amendment, in which he alluded to the bad state of affairs in America, where, on one of the lakes, our fleet had been annihilated,-on another, sir J. Yeo was hardly able to maintain the struggle,-and on

land, it was probable that the enemy had already obtained possession of Upper Canada. His lordship noticed also the overthrow of the old constitution of the United Provinces, where the prince of Orange had assumed the government under the new title of sovereign prince of the Netherlands. While these and other important matters were taking place, his lordship thought that so long an adjournment was alto, gether improper.

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Lord Holland followed on the same side. He said that the greatest confidence had been reposed in pare liament, and most important measures carried without opposition, and now ministers said, "You have done our jobs, and now you may adjourn."-This, he thought, not very becoming conduct. rejoiced at the late events of the war more than he did, and he attributed them to the total change of measures which had taken place, The war was now carried on by nations struggling for independence. Some praise was certainly due to ministers, particularly for their persevering conduct in Spain, who had afforded a grand example to the rest of Europe. He was ready also to do justice to the moderation of ministers, which had secured the important aid of Austria to the gene ral cause. The enemy last year possessed Moscow, and was besieging Cadiz now he was pressed on the north of the Pyrenees, and was almost driven out of Holland, the effect of inordinate ambition on one part, and moderation with firmness on the other. He was happy to see, that in Spain they were disposed rather to widen than to narrow the basis of their government; while in Holland the opposite course had been adopted. He hoped it would always be recollected, that

government

governments were not to be made for governments, but for the governed; and that God and Nature had given each nation a right to choose its own government, without any interference on the part of neighbours.-The first prince of Orange had been too wise to deprive the people of their ancient institutions, and he hoped that the present prince would act with similar wisdom.He did not yet sufficiently understand the measures adopted in Holland; but true policy required that the foundations on which the government rested should be widened rather than narrowed.-He approved the moderation of the language delivered from the throne; but he had seen in certain publications language of a far different sort; and he could not help feeling the utmost disgust at hearing the war hoop sounded, even to the encouragement of assassination-borrowing the most violent jacobinical language and holding up a great military chief as a fit object for personal vengeance: for what else could be the meaning of the oftenrepeated assertion, that no peace could be made with the person at the head of the French government?-If this meant any thing, it must mean that the Bourbons should be restored. Ministers, he trusted, had a better policy; for such an endeavour would be the very way to defeat its object. A peace which left France a considerable addition of territory, while it kept up the spirit of union in the present confederacy, would be the best way of preserving the balance of power. Returning to the question of adjournment, he thought it might be injurious for so long a time; and it would compel parliament to sit till a late period in summer, when a

thin attendance would be the natural result.

Lord Liverpool's motion was however carried, and the house adjourned till March 1.

House of commons, Dec. 20.Mr. Horner put questions to ministers relative to the declaration of the allies and the prospect of peace; and they were answered by lord Castlereagh, in the same guarded manner as that adopted by lord Liverpool in the other house.

Lord Castlereagh moved, in the same way, that the house should adjourn till the 1st of March.

Sir J. Macintosh opposed the motion. The house, he said, had other duties to perform than to grant money when called upon by the crown: its duty was to assist the crown with advice on important matters; and this was a period pregnant with them; for we were now in a great crisis; events of a most stupendous nature were every day expected, which might decide the fate of Europe. It was therefore precisely the moment when a short rather than a long adjournment should take place. Sir James then alluded to the recent events in Holland. On the arrival of the prince of Orange in that country, he had accepted, against his own judgement, as he stated, a higher title than that of his ancestors. He regretted the levity with which the ancient and renowned constitution of Holland had thus been subverted; a constitution which England had guaranteed by the treaty of 1788. Yet this had been overthrown by a few private gentlemen, and by popular acclamation, in the presence of a foreign force! If the transaction was really that of the people of Holland, certainly we had nothing to do with it; but he could

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not help feeling sorrow, that a commonwealth which had so long flourished, should be overthrown in such a manner-a commonwealth which had so nobly resisted the tyranny of Philip, and the ambition of Louis XIV, and XV. He wanted to see governments amended not overturned. A former prince of Orange had declined a similar dignity, observing, "He had a strong ambition to grow great by the service, but not by the servitude, of his country." He was glad, however, to see that the prince of Orange had promised to undertake the government under a wise constitution only, which should secure the liberties of the Dutch people but he could have wished that the people of Holland had expressed their opinion by their legal or actual representatives. Sir James then adverted to Switzerland, and said, that he hoped the neutrality of that republic would not be violated by the allies. Switzer. land, as he understood, was bound to France by a treaty only, and was to furnish that power with a contingent of 16,000 men. The public law of nations allowed of such practices; and to violate the neutrality of Switzerland would, in his opinion, be to violate the law of nations. Her neutranty being injurious to the allies was no reason whatever for destroying it: and it would have an alarming appear ance to see those, who professed to have no other object than to restore the independence of Europe, begin with violating the independence of Switzerland. Till the disgraceful partition of Poland, the balance of power had been well preserved. That event would most likely have taken place, had England and France not deserted the cause of

Europe. To recreate this balance, the smaller powers must be protected in their rights. Sir J. Macintosh concluded by moving as an amendment, that the house do adjourn till January 24.

Colonel saint Paul, in a brief maiden speech, opposed this motion, declaring that he approved most heartily of all the measures of ministers, and that he was quite surprised to hear the honourable gentleman's feeble and finical objections!

Mr. Whitbread could not tell what the honourable gentleman meant by calling his honourable friend's speech finical. Perhaps he would be good enough to explain himself. For his own part, he congratulated the country on the accession to the house of his learned friend, than whom there was no person better qualified to explain and apply the principles of public law, and to judge of the propriety of great state measures. As to the adjournment, he was not disposed to vote against it. He had supported ministers, because he saw that the conduct pursued by them and the allies was directly the reverse of that which had been adopted at the beginning of the unhappy contest. He was glad that the allies had published their declaration, because it must put a stop to those wild, mischievous, and wicked notions, which had been entertained of devastating and dismembering France, by way of punishment! The allies had proceeded well, and he confidently hoped that peace would be the consequence; but if not, and they continued to act with the like moderation, he thought there was not a person in Europe who would not concur with them in the prosecution of the war.

CHAP,