Both of these ideas were adopted from H. by Democritus, like whom H. held sound views on sense perception (cf. A. J. P. XXIV p. 344). The meeting of opposites produces war, the father of all things, and there results harmony. This idea gave a great impulse to human thought. The greatest defect in H.'s system is the lack of an explanation how things are produced out of the up. He probably did not distinguish between qualitative and mechanical change; but we can only imagine his teaching the latter. The serious defects in the cosmology should not detract from the fame of one whose influence can be seen in Democritus, Plato and the Stoics, whose kindred spirit Ed. Pfleiderer has found in Spinoza.

Die Entstehung der Olympionikenliste (Alfred Körte). K. follows Mahaffy (Jour. of Hell. St. II, 164 ff., Prob. in Gk. Hist.) in trying to prove that Hippias' chronology of the Olympic games, preserved chiefly in Julius Africanus, was not based on an official list; but was boldly constructed and conjectured from scattered records. The Olympic games like those at Delphi, etc. were originally funeral games, hence there must have been chariot racing and other contests from the earliest times, as is proved by Homer, Pindar, Bacchylides and the clay and bronze figures of two-horse chariots found in and south of the Heraion at Olympia. The account of a gradual introduction of the various contests is therefore false. Further defects are the omission of the áñýíŋ and káλîŋ (cf. Paus. V 9, 1), the disregard of the Anolympiads (cf. Paus. VI 22, 3) and the prominence given to the orádiov race, where others recorded victors in the névтa@λov. Thucydides knew no such list and it is certain that none was made in Delphi until the IV century, all of which justifies Plutarch's adverse criticism (Numa 1). For the hundred and fifty years preceding Hippias' time the traditional list is probably accurate; but the earlier record is wholly unreliable and '776 B. C. the first Olympiad' is no more reliable than 1068 [1066] Codrus dies for his fatherland'.

Der historische Kern des III. Makkabäerbuches (Hugo Willrich). The III Bk. of Maccabees, Bk. of Esther, and Josephus' Against Apion II 5, have in common the theme how an important Jewish diaspora was miraculously delivered from a heathen oppressor. This was Ptolemy Physkon (146-117 B. C.) in Josephus' legendary account; but the historic basis of this is to be found in the time of Ptolemy Soter II, also nicknamed Physcon, who, when recalled by the Alexandrians (87 B. C.) found himself in opposition to Cleopatra III and the Jews. The peaceful outcome gave rise to a Jewish festival and the Physcon legend. A similar festival known as the Nicanor day, established by Judas Maccabaeus, was observed in Jerusalem. Thereupon, about 50 B. C., was established the feast of Purim, which appears as a result of a religious compromise made between the Jews of Palestine and those of Alexandria, at a time when they felt drawn

together politically. It thus became a festival for all Jews and was legitimatized by the book of Esther, which is merely a variant of the Physcon legend. Finally in the time of Caligula, who undertook to persecute the Jews in Palestine and Egypt, was composed the III Bk. of Maccabees, which developing the Physcon legend represented the persecution and deliverance as taking place under Ptolemy Philopator (221-204 B. C.).

De Aeneidis libro III (H. T. Karsten). The much debated question as to the composition of the Aeneid centres round Bk. III, which some consider the first written, others would assign to a later date. The latter view has recently been set forth by R. Heinze (Virgils Epische Technik), against whom especially, K. directs his arguments. K. thinks Vergil's initial plan was in so far definite as to include the journey to İtaly and the wars with the natives. So he wrote our Bk. III (excepting the end and v. 341), which he put into verse about 28 B. C. But his plan widened and he took up the Dido episode, etc., and to control the accumulating material he made a disposition of the whole in prose, to which Donatus refers. In order to fit Bk. III into this enlarged scheme it was necessary to change the end; but minor discrepancies were left, never to be eliminated. K. believes that Bk. V preceded Bk. VI.

Collationen aus einem geometrischen Tractat (M. Manitius). Miscellen.-F. Skutsch argues that as Plautus did not follow Diphilos' Kλnpovμevos in ending his Casina so he composed a new prologue from various sources, which explains the inappropriateness of the verses 81 ff. which question the chastity of Casina. Diphilos wrote his play not very long after the death of Alexander as the humani Joves (Cas. 328 ff.) prove.-M. Ihm calls attention to the occurrence of arcus triumphalis' in the commentarius in LXXV psalmos, found among the writings of Rufinus, but the work of the fifth century monk Vincentius. Hülsen has recently shown the late use of this term, and so if Bondurand's reading ARCVM. TRIVM. on the arch at Orange is correct, it may date from the IV century A. D.-E. Hultzsch discusses the Indian dialect found in the Oxyrhynchus Pap. 413 (Part III) and the early intercourse between India and the Occident.-E. Herkenrath gives an analysis of Pindar's Nemean Ode IX.-O. Schroeder explains how Pindar's kepaλâv oλλar vóμov (Pyth. 12) may indeed refer to the serpent-headed Gorgons; but probably characterized the variety of rhythm and content of the 'Aonvâs vóμos, which was a counterpart of the famous Pythian nome.

HERMAN L. EBELING.

PHILOLOGUS, Bd. LXII (N. F. Bd. XVI), 1903.

I, pp. 1-34. W. Schmid: Probleme aus der sophokleïschen Antigone. Kaibel's interpretation criticized and refuted. The poet's aim (p. 6) is no other than to present the last act of the fall

of the Labdakidae and also (departing from the mythological tradition) the glorious fall in the struggle for a noble cause. The idea underlying the play is oota пavovрyeiv (V. 74). The key to the understanding of the play is in the conception of Kreon's character and the irony with which it is treated (p. 5). Kreon is conceived as the embodiment of the spirit of the sophist (p. 12). Antigone represents μεγαλοψυχία, and is actuated by φιλοδοξία, and evoéßeia (p. 5-7). Ismene, a sympathetic woman, represents oppoovn (i. e. hσuxióτns) (p. 4). Haemon (p. 31) has two functions in the structure of the drama. (1) Ethopoetic: to throw into still more unsympathetic light the character and actions of his father, who so insolently admonishes his good, obedient son and drives him to death. (2) Constructive: by his relation to Antigone to involve his father together with himself in the heroine's ruin. As regards the question of interpolation, the final speech of Antigone should end with verse 904 (p. 34).

II, pp. 35-38. R. Herzog: Zur Geschichte des Mimus. A terra-cotta lamp (C. Watzinger, Athen. Mitt. XXVI, 1901, p. I ff. with plate I) is of importance in connection with the history of literature. The conclusion (p. 37) is that the lamp was of Alexandrian ware, or from an Alexandrian mould; that the minor arts at Alexandria in the century of Theokritos and Herondas had connection with the dramatic mime, and that the latter was in full activity there.

III, pp. 39-63. P. Egenolff: Zu Lentz' Herodian III. E. treats of book ΧΧ περὶ χρόνων and περὶ πνευμάτων, adding new material for interpreting and criticizing the text.

IV, pp. 64-86. Edwin Müller: Zur Charakteristik des Manilius. Manilius' imitations of other writers used so as to correct the text.

V, pp. 87-90. L. Gurlitt: Textrettungen zu Ciceros Briefen (Ad fam. VIII 17 fin.; IX, 6, 6; IX 7, 2). Read in Cael. ad Cic. VIII 17 fin., Ergo me potius in Hispania fuisse tum, quam Formiis, quom tu profectus es ad Pompeium!-quod utinam!-aut (sc. utinam fuisset) Appius Claudius in ista parte, C. Curio, quoius amicitia me paulatim in hanc perditam causam imposuit! In ad fam. IX 6, 6, he justifies iure against the suspicions of the editors. In ad fam. IX 7, 2 reads: ego omnino magis arbitror per Siciliam, vel iam sciemus-gaining besides an agreeable clausula.

VI, pp. 91-94. E. Samter: Die Bedeutung des Beschneidungsritus und Verwandtes. H. Gunkel in Archiv f. Papyrusforschung II 20 failed to see the motives underlying Ezekiel 32. Circumcision was a dedicatory rite which appeased the family gods and then in general the gods of the world below. Hence a circumcised warrior, if he fell, was assured a better lot in the world of the dead.

VII, pp. 95-124. G. A. Gerhard and O. Gradenwitz: Glossierte Paulusreste im Zuge der Digesten. Heidelberg Papyrus MS 1272. Two plates. Text with several Greek glosses of Dig.

V. 2. L. 16-19. Pp. 111-124 are occupied by a discussion of the legal points. The glosses show us that the Digests were used in Egypt and provided with glosses, which were by no means always correct.

VIII, pp. 125–140. O. Crusius: Kleinigkeiten zur alten Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte.

1. ΕΛΑΦΟΣΤΙΚΤΟΣ. ΛΑΓΟΒΙΟΣ. I. Lysias XIII 19. εἰσπέμπουσι γὰρ εἰς τὴν βουλὴν ... Θεόκριτον τὸν τοῦ Ελαφοστίκτου καλούμενον. The bearer of the nick-name 'ExapóσTIKTOS was once a runaway slave who had been tattooed with the figure of a deer. II. The name Aayóßios (Suidas II p. 483 Bh.) is also a nick-name for a runaway slave, derived from the proverb λayw Biov 57 (cf. Demosth. de cor. 263, Dio Chrys. 66, 24, Luc. Somn. 9). Compare xaλκâ evтepa ëxel and χαλκέντερος, etc. λαγώς like έλαφος becomes the type of the easily frightened runaway slave.

2. Latin script in Greek texts. Besides the instance cited by Norden (Die antike Kunstprosa I 602) from Didymos Alex. de trinitate I 15 in a cod. Vat. s. XI and another by Krumbacher (Byz. Ztsch. VII (1898) 468) from Prokopios' Gothic wars, ed. Comparetti I 177. 2, Crusius adds 3 from Zosimos, V 29, p. 254 Mendelss. V 41 p. 271, VI 11 p. 392; and 12 from Jo. Laurentius Lydus de Mag. I 24 p. 46 Fuss (140 Bekker), I 25 (bis), I 26, I 35, I 38, I 42, I 47, I 50, II 3, III 3, III 8. During the first centuries of the Christian era, the Greeks even when, like Plutarch, they treated of Roman affairs, altogether avoided the Latin script. The first examples of the use in literature occur in the fourth century, a time when the Greek east began to lose its peculiar Hellenic national feeling, and consider itself the superior representative of the Roman empire. But no instances have been cited from works of free artistic manner. For the Roman custom cf. Cic. Tusc. I 8, 15 and the different usage in the Latin and Greek letters of Fronto and M. Aurelius, and contrast the manner of the sermo cottidianus.

IX, pp. 141-154. S. Brandt: Entstehungszeit und zeitliche Folge der Werke von Boethius. This first paper details the attempts of others to solve the problem, and begins to set forth the data. Continued in XIV p. 234-275.

Miscellen.-1. pp. 155-157. O. Hoffmann: Nochmals die Sotairos-Inschrift. Reply to Bechtel's criticism (Hermes XXXVII 631 ff.) of his interpretation in Philol., 1902, N. F. XV 245 ff. 2. pp. 157-160. G. Kazarow: Der liparische Kommunistenstaat. Upholds against L. Stein (Die Sociale Frage im Lichte der Philosophie s. 180 f.) the opinion expressed by Pöhlmann (Gesch. des antiken Kommunismus u. Socialismus Bd. I. 46 f.) that the remarkable communistic state on Lipara pictured by Diodorus V 9, is not to be considered a reminiscence of an original communism on the part of emigrants from Rhodes and Knidos but is to be explained by the peculiar situation in which the islanders were placed.

X, pp. 161-181. O. Schroeder: Pindarica. V, Aeolic Strophes. Metrical analysis of some strophes in aeolic style (Nem. 2, Isthm. 8, Pyth. 8 (strophe and epode), Pyth. 7 (str. and ep.), Isthm. 7 (str. and ep.), Pyth. II str. 4b and ep. Then Sch. examines more difficult cases (Nem. 4 and 7, Pyth. 5, Ol. 2).

XI, pp. 182–195. Fr. Staehlin: Der Dioskurenmythus in Pindars 10. nemeischer Ode. An example of the idealization of a myth. Summary p. 194. Pindar has changed over the story as given in the Kypria into a new thrilling myth and undertaken to refine it in a two-fold manner. Polydeukes appears superhuman and stainless. Kastor is freed as much as possible from the charge of cattle-lifting and entirely from that of lying in ambush. There is a sharp contrast between the immortal nature of the god and the mortality of the brother, bridged over by the generosity of the god in parting with half of his divinity. Hence the point of the ode is: As Polydeukes the god showed Kastor the utmost loyalty, so both the deified Tyndarids now keep faith with the descendants of Pamphaes-if they are devout, as Kastor, according to Pindar's version, was devout and innocent.

XII, pp. 196-226. Fr. Beyschlag: Das XXXII. Kapitel der platonischen Apologie. Summary on p. 225. The points of view adduced by von Bamberg to establish his rejection of this chapter are insufficient; in fact this chapter is shown on closer study to be even more closely connected with its context than is apparent at first sight. An analysis of the thought of the passage has shown still further that in it thoroughly Platonic-Socratic expressions and train of thought are demonstrable. But its authenticity is made certain also by the external evidence of imitation by Cicero and Xenophon and by a direct reference to it by Plato (Phaed. 63 B ff.).

XIII, pp. 227-233. K. Praechter: Textkritisches zu Chariton. XIV, pp. 234-275. S. Brandt: Entstehungszeit und zeitliche Folge der Werke von Boethius. Summary p. 267 ff. The works before 510 (perhaps from 500 on) Arithmetic, Music, Geometry (?) (Astronomy?) perhaps Physics, and also both commentaries on Porphyrius. In the year 510 (511) the commentaries on the Categories. The rest are after 510 (511). The Consolatio was written in 523 and 524.

XV, pp. 276-291. O. Apelt: Bemerkungen zu Plutarchs Moralia.

XVI, pp. 292-305. B. Sepp: Der Codex Pontani in Leyden. Attempt to show by a comparison of the readings of this MS (b) of Tacitus' Germania and Dialogus and Suet. de gram. that in March, 1460 Pontanus copied cod. Leidensis XVIII Perizonianus c. 21 (=b) from cod. Vat. 1862 (=B), itself a copy from the archetype brought to Rome in 1455 by Henoch of Ascoli.

XVII, pp. 306–319. F. Luterbacher: Die Chronologie des Hannibalzugs. (On the third book of Polybius.) Defence of his