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anarchy." Then ye shall have political liberty and equality! "Bravo! bravo! bravo!" exclaim the people. Yes, ye shall have them; and shall have them secured by the established principles of a thousand years, by the experience of many generations, by the suffrages and blood of your fathers, and by the laws of merry old England!

"But," continue the people of the nineteenth century, "have not the institutions of old England become quaint and cumbersome; and shall we not have a constitution and laws more commensurate with reason and the enlarged intelligence of our age ?"

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Oh! people, was wisdom, indeed, only born with you? Is the wisdom of one man or age paramount to the gradually developed and collective philosophy and experience of many generations? Is there any thing in the system thus built up, which forbids or prevents the present generation from enacting laws suitable to their own exigencies and advancement?-Yet never was there a happier contingency than that the circumstances of this nation should bring together in their ancient constitution the elements of a system so well adapted at all times; to counterbalance the power of the barons in former periods; and now, to moderate and balance the power of a knowing but most unreflecting generation-to keep in check the ideal speculations of even your most rational legislators, and the passion for change and new fangled expedients which the threats of violence or the influ.


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ce of party may infuse even into an otherwise liberative senate. A system not built upon eory, but constituted by our national circumnces; which, in its working, has developed its ne philosophy, in the moral check which the three tates of King, Lords, and Commons, notwithanding their real interests, may be now nearly similated, reciprocally exert each upon the meares originated by the other, and each upon the ussions and parties hurrying those measures forard; whilst the representatives of the people rein the power of visiting with confusion any hostile - headstrong opposition on the part of the other ranches of the legislature. The balance of selfterest is generally held forth as the counterpoise nat mutually holds them in check; but we would xtend this influence to the entire moral power, djusting itself in the balance of the opinions of ifferent classes of minds, independent of each ther. Nor was such a balance of moral influence nore required in feudal times, when the moral ower of the nation rested chiefly with the peers nd king, than it is now when the moral power of he nation is altogether in favour of the physical power of the people.

Those who denounce a house of Lords, will, peraps, still admit the efficacy of a house of correction, n sometimes successfully correcting the opinions and morals of unthinking individuals. Who could be less reflecting than those small Italian bands, who, a few years ago, projected in secret conclave,

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the shaking off of the Austrian yoke? The masses of their own countrymen were ignorant of their plans, and totally unqualified to assist in organizing the details of a great revolution. Opinion is without much weight in a country where its free discussion is prohibited. Moral power they possessed not; and the physical power of the empire of Austria was against them. They disregarded their actual circumstances, and proceeded upon theories dictated by liberal but not enlightened views. Their appeal was to arms, and the arms of high authority put them down. Poor fellows! how many of them languished for years in the state prisons of Italy and Germany! How many passed through the dungeon's gloom to an untimely grave! Poor Silvio Pellico, and Maroncelli! Little deserving were such men of such a fate as theirs. Yet the only thing of which they complained was, that a civilized nation should deem it expedient to visit political disaffection, with as harsh and cruel a sentence, as the crimes of the vilest delinquents. They bowed to existing laws which they had violated-they suffered a martyrdom—yet they, as well as others under like condemnation, acquired by reflection in the still recesses of their solitude, that piety, that sober mindedness, and respect for God and man, which, amid the whirl of faction and the unbridled exercise of libertine passions, they could not even dimly discern!

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What applies to individuals may be applied to a tion, for without some cogently restraining prinole in the constitution of the government, the dden impulses of even the most rational theories, ay as easily delude an empire into irretrievable -rplexities and revolutions, as individuals into the orst political indiscretions.

"But," say the people of modern England, some other and more rational check may surely substituted for that of feudal distinction." Oh! eople, truth at last must dictate to us all. If those ho inherit feudal distinctions were to set themIves in feudal array against the just desires of an lightened community, the event would soon show ow transient are even the most ancient institutions. ut beware! lest as the Athenians of old, who torented themselves with the mere name of Tyrant, › ye torment yourselves with the mere names of ders and powers; and in rashly erasing a Name, pudiate also your best institutions themselves. We know not," reply the peers, "what ye deominate more rational," but that appears to us ost reasonable, which has been found by long, long xperience, best to answer the ends of enlightened gislation. Do ye refer us to America? America our triumph! The collocation of her states reuired some such form of government as she has

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adopted. Peers or patricians she had none, and did not want them. She wanted deputies to represent local interests; and she wanted minds less dependent, to act as a check upon the former, and who, by superintending the general weal, might balance the influence of the representatives of particular districts. She knew the advantage of a popular control over her rulers, but at the same time, of having a counterpoise of opinions in the legislative, and a singleness of purpose in the executive; she, therefore, in conclusion, erected a President instead of a King. Yet her form of government arose not from a preconceived theory -it was suggested by the circumstances of her union, and assimilated to the best tried form abroad. Her legislative is popular, and her executive monarchical; and so are your's-but with this difference; that your second chamber and your presidency are totally removed from direct popular influence, and, therefore, not so liable as her's to be counteracted or annihilated by the fickleness of a multitude, to the influence of which all the branches of her government are more or less directly subjected; so that whilst yours may remain unshaken and adequate to its functions through many generations, her's may become sooner fatally embarrassed, if not overpowered by an increased and wayward population. We, therefore, deny, that, for a great and prosperous community, the constitution of her government is by any means so stable. effective, and influential as our own-we deny that

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