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A virtuous people would elect and tolerate none people but virtuous representatives; and the latter would, in conformity with their integrity, consult only the public weal, and desire only the approbation of a virtuous nation, as they would deserve its countenance and support instead of the frowns and rebellion of disaffected and reckless multitudes!

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It may, therefore, be fairly esteemed a national question, by what means this great end can be accelerated. It is generally held that it is dangerous for a government, a succession of men of possibly very opposite principles, to take into their own hands the shaping of the popular mind. Also, that legislators are not to compel, but encourage people to be religious. And yet the government is the pivot upon which all great national schemes are most easily poised and turned. Still, conscious of the weight of the objection to the direct interference of legislation, in concerns affecting the consciences and opinions of mankind in a free state, it might, perhaps, be preferable, on the whole, to leave the details of Christian instruction and regulation to such individuals as might offer their services; and for government, upon their representation to a committee of Parliament appointed for purposes of national education, to grant them, through some accredited local agent who might personally become acquainted with the characters and principles of the candidates, and superintend the application of the grants, such sums of money as might enable them to effect their plans of religious instruction. This

is merely intended as a passing suggestion, to concile the idea of a national system of Christ instruction, with the freedom of conscience, the of toleration and distinction of classes. The p gress of what is termed political knowledge, co bined with impure principles, cannot now be a rested, even if it were thought to be desirable. is a moral power of indefinite application, and ca only be rationally controlled and directed by anoth and a moral power of higher influence, inspirin definite motives and purer purposes.

The tendency of general knowledge to awake without rationalizing the popular mind has beer already adverted to. The mass of the people conceive that their grievances are political, and, therefore, they cast entire odium upon their political directors. Strangers to discretion, they mistake effects for causes, and means for ends; and hurry onward in a career of revolution, of which we need not be entirely incredulous, because we have in our own generation witnessed full many a confirmation of the adequacy of the cause of them, whether in the fatuity of rulers, or the infatuation of their subjects.

In less than three months three reigning princes, those of France, the Netherlands, and Brunswick, were driven from their thrones, shall we say by the expression of popular opinion; or, amid the clangour of arms, may we not rather recognise the triumph of terror, than the force of a general persuasion? Yet it arose from, and was seconded by.

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the wayward spirit of improving times; active in of C discerning the abuses of governments; and rash in the remedy it prescribes. Greece has rallied in The the cause of independence; and in America the ledge same spirit of freedom has severed the colonies of now Spain from the mother country. It is vain to atsirable tempt to check the progress of events-the experience of successive generations carries with it it's own lessons, and it is wiser to anticipate them than to be taken by surprise. Thus may all governments in their turn, even that justly admired constitution which Tully predicted, and foreigners praised, and we ourselves, for a thousand years, have boasted of as the most stable and excellent to answer all the ends of a civil community, be shaken by the blast of ill-directed popular opinion, and become, like those of Athens and Lacedemon, the mere jargon of schoolmen, and the topic of the antiquary and the historian!

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The Gaul has, indeed, set up another monarch since he deposed the last-and so did the Frogs. And we have more than once seen prince and nobles swept away; yet who will say that what is popularly miscalled most natural, is either most rational or calculated to answer the purposes of human nature? Some object to a king; for, say they, "he cannot have our interests at heart as our deputed representatives would have; and as for peers, they were never meant to look to any but their own business. A republic is devoid of all superfluity." The king is deposed, the peerage


abolished, and the people now struggle in m opposition about their representatives. At le the deputies are elected. "There is absolute tenness in human nature," say the people;‘ interests are as little forwarded as before. try a new representation-let us try a democrac let us try something else!" It is all the sa human nature is fallible; and in time, party family interests spring up even in their boas republic; and the people, amid the quaking fram work of society, look back into history, as they m yet remorsefully have to do, and dwell upon glories of even monarchy itself, or the triple co stitution of old England; and those, say the "were the happy times!" "Let the days of t Grecian states, and an English heptarchy return Let us divide ourselves into several minor commo wealths, and then we shall be better able to loo after our separate interests, and in so doing consul that of each other. Nay, but let America be ou model!" Nay! who shall presume to predict wha changes may yet transpire among the empires of the earth! who shall say what of all that is excellent will stand, whilst the omniscient Creator and Disposer of all things is himself prostrated in the hearts of his creatures!

"We look," writes Chalmers, "for our coming deliverance in a moral change, and not in any, or in all, of those economic changes put together, which form the great panacea of so many of our statesmen.—And we repeat that a thorough educa

letion, in both the common and Christian sense of es. At the term, forms the only solid basis, on which either is abs the political or economic well-being of the nation can be laid."



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"There can be no health," says Southey, "no soundness in the State, till government shall regard the moral improvement of the people, as its first great duty. The same remedy is required for the rich and for the poor. Religion ought to be so blended with the whole course of instruction, that its doctrines and precepts should, indeed, 'drop as the rain, and distil as the dew, as the small rain upon the tender herb, and as the showers upon the grass.' We are, in a great degree, what our institutions make us."


When the Almighty "cometh forth to execute judgment upon a sinful land and people, he is at no loss for the choice of instruments to fulfil his pleaAll their armies, their wealth, their wisdom, or their reforms, are of little avail if not founded in truth and justice. Apart even from the judgments of God, there is a direct tendency in immorality to ruin a country, however prosperous,-nor, can national welfare long survive the death of morals, or the decline of religion in a State.




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