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Τοις δε Πάρθοις πολεμοθεϊσι προς τινας, και της παρ' αυλού συμμαχίας δεηθείσιν, ουκ εβοήθησεν, είπών, ότι ου προσήκει αυτά τα αλλότρια πολυπραγμονεϊν: Βερονίκη δε ισχυράς τε ήνθει, και δια τούτο και ες την Ρώμης μετά του αδελφού του Αγρίππα ήλθε • και ο μεν σρατηγικών τιμών ηξιώθη, η δε εν τω σαλατίω ώκησε, και το Τίτο συνεγίγνετο.- Epitome Dionis.

Titus is supposed to have promised marriage. However that may be, the connection filled the city with discontent and popular clamour. That she was a princess of the Jewish nation probably rendered the public voice so loud against her. Her lover was not so abandoned to his passion, as to brave the rage of popular prejudice. He wisely resolved to sacrifice his private pleasures to political prudence, and the peace of the city.

Suetonius describes his mode of living at this time, and their reluctant parting, with a brevity and point which might well pass for Tacitus: – “Nec minus libido, propter exoletorum et spadonum greges, propterque insignem reginæ Berenices amorem, cui etiam nuptias pollicitus ferebatur.

Berenicem statim ab urbe dimisit, invitus invitam.” Titus.

Aurelius Victor copies Suetonius almost verbally in his Epitome:-“ Denique ut subiit pondus regium, Berenicem nuptias suas sperantem regredi domum, et enervatorum greges abire præcepit.” He had said just before, “ In quibus Cæcinam consularem adhibitum conæ, vix dum triclinio egressum, ob suspicionem stupratæ Berenices uxoris suæ, jugulari jussit.” The substance of this passage also is taken from Suetonius, and will account for the carelessness of Aurelius Victor in calling her his wife and mistress in two passages nearly consecutive. In the first passage of Suetonius she is neither

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mentioned nor alluded to; conspiracy, not adultery, being there laid as the ground of Aulus Cæcina's assassination. Aurelius Victor, for some reason or other, chose to relate the fact as given by Suetonius, but to assign a different motive, and make Berenice lavish of her favours. In this ungallant humour, he calls her the wife of Titus, either negligently, or to enhance her guilt: but when he comes to a passage where Suetonius states her actual condition with respect to the emperor, he gives the fact as it lay ready to his hand.

There is some little confusion as to the time of the divorce : whether under Vespasian, or after Titus had taken possession of the crown. Dion, or his epitomiser Xiphilinus, are supposed to place it in the former reign, contrary to the authorities of Suetonius and Aurelius Victor. But it will be found that Xiphilinus, though no other author does so, mentions Berenice's being twice sent away; once under Vespasian, and again under Titus: and this will, in the main, reconcile his account with the generally received winding-up of the intrigue. He relates the first dismissal immediately after the passage quoted above, and begins the reign of Titus thus: -Ode Titos aúdèy oňte povixòv, ούτε ερωτικών μοναρχήσας έπραξεν, αλλά χρησός, καίπερ επιβουλευθείς, και σώφρων, καίτοι και της Βερονίκης ές Ρώμην αύθις ελ. Jouons, éyevéto. This statement makes the second attack on Titus's affections ineffectual. The mode of their ultimate parting, as stated by other historians to have taken place when he was emperor, is too generally admitted to make it credible on a single authority, that he ever resisted her allurements when present : the probability is, that he dismissed

her, invitus invitam, during his father's reign, with a promise of recal in his own : that he kept that promise, but that the popular objection was too obstinate to render perseverance safe; for his excesses were always tempered by prudence: and that when he again determined to part with her, by way of softening the disappointment to both, he again threw out a hint of better times, and got rid of her by representing this separation as only temporary.

But the biographers of the period, writing many lives with all practicable brevity, had no room to multiply identical incidents ; they therefore related the beginning and the end of an adventure, and left the detail to be filled up by the sagacity or the imagination of the reader.

Pliny mentions a town bearing the name of Berenice : — “ Berenice, oppidum matris Philadelphi nomine, ad quod iter a Copto diximus.”—Nat. Hist. lib. vi. The inference from this passage, that Pliny concluded Ptolemy Philadelphus had built the city, because it bore his mother's name, is utterly unfounded. As there were several women of exalted rank who bore the name of Berenice, so were there several towns so called, probably in memory of the different princesses.

The farewells of Titus and Berenice have furnished the French stage with tragedies from Racine and Corneille, who were each employed by Henrietta of England on so unpromising a subject, unknown to each other. Corneille’s piece failed : that of Racine had a run of thirty nights ; and has been revived on the appearance of any new actor and actress capable of supporting characters of such great difficulty. So supported, it has always

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been found affecting in representation. That one of these great poets should have failed, and the other have eminently succeeded, is accounted for by the opposite bent of their genius. That of the one is strong and elevated, that of the other gentle, dextrous, and elegant. The pathetic is the forte of the latter, the sublime of the former.

ON CÆSAR'S COMMENTARIES.

Cæsar was confessedly the greatest general Rome ever produced ; and the people of Rome were so renowned for their knowledge in the art of war, that it is equally interesting and useful to find their military customs traced out, and the individual actions of so accomplished a commander recorded, in Commentaries written by the hero of the story. Nothing in this work is more striking, than the consummate prudence and circumspection of this enterprising man, especially in relation to surprises. He was also particularly attentive to the safety of his convoys, and to the maintenance of a free communication with the countries whence he received his supplies. Nor was he less prudent and expert in turning alliances to account; as, for instance, in the case of that pretended one with the Æduans, which he made one of his principal engines to complete the reduction of Gaul. The suddenness, the rapidity, the disposition of his marches, have only been equalled by the Corsican of modern days in the zenith of his triumphs. From his narrative of his own movements when he besieged Gergovia, we may calculate that on one occasion he marched fifty miles in twenty-four hours. He exhibited great skill in marshalling his army in various forms, according to the information he was sedulous in

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