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involved a most ludicrous application of the atomic system to the circumstances of his mother's gestation: her body contained the exact quantity of atoms, the concourse of which was necessary to form a wise man. Which of these two propositions is the proof, and which the thing to be proved?

In estimating the doctrines of Epicurus, whether moral or philosophical, it will scarcely be necessary to look for materials beyond Cicero, who has given a copious and clear exposition of them: and his testimony on this subject is so much the more valuable, that so far from being that of a flatterer, it was not that of a friend. From a letter to Memmius, who had obtained a grant of a ruinous edifice at Athens belonging to the Epicurean college, and intended to build a house there for himself, but which grant Cicero requests him to wave in favour of his friend Patro, we learn that Cicero commenced his philosophical studies under Phædrus, the probable predecessor of Patro in the college; but that on reflection, and in the maturity of his judgment, he abandoned the sect and abjured its principles. He retained, however, a very high respect for the learning and personal character of his early tutor; but assures Memmius that his good understanding with Patro does not extend to philosophy. His own best considered habits of thinking and rules of action were drawn from the Academy; and are set forth at large in his Tusculan and Academic Questions, where he declares his own adoption of the Socratic system. The object of his treatise De Finibus, was to give a history of the ancient philosophy. Indeed, in his Tusculan and Academic Questions, and in his treatise on the Nature of the Gods, as well as in

that on the chief Good or Ill of Man, he assumes alternately the character of a Stoic, an Epicurean, and a Peripatetic; and for a time forgets his own principles in his zeal to do justice to those whom he temporarily represents: but in his private character of the Académic, he turns round and attacks them all. . In one respect this dialogue form rather perplexes philosophical discussion. The reader is, perhaps, not always attentive to the circumstance, whether the speaker of the moment be the author or one of his combatants. This has occasioned Cicero to be charged with many inconsistencies, which a closer application to the course of the dialogue would have reconciled. But this mistake on the part of the reader must be entirely his own fault; for the great Roman is a model of perspicuity as well as elegance, in the conduct of these polite and learned conversations. It may be remarked in passing, that the moderns who have adopted this form have been generally unsuccessful. They have not been happy, like Cicero, in identifying themselves with the character which they for the moment assume: their Dramatis Persona are too evidently brought on, merely to be pelted it is clearly seen at once, what the author's system really is, and that " all the rest is leather and prunella." In short, the grave impatience of modern readers has determined, that philosophical disquisition is best conducted as a serious business, without theatrical ornament or rhetorical declamation.

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But however this may be, Cicero's form of composition seems peculiarly adapted to our purpose, wanting as we do to appreciate the character of a philosopher, whose writings have not come down

to us to tell their own tale. Cicero was educated in the doctrine, and therefore understood it: he weighed it in the balance and found it wanting, and therefore threw it off.

With respect to the imputations so current on Epicurus's moral doctrine, and example, there is an important passage in Cicero to a contrary effect, De Finibus, lib. i. cap. 20. :

"Restat locus huic disputationi vel maxime necessarius, de amicitia, quam, si voluptas summum sit bonum, affirmatis nullam omnino fore: de qua Epicurus quidem ita dicit: omnium rerum, quas ad beate vivendum sapientia comparaverit, nihil esse majus amicitia, nihil uberius, nihil jucundius. Neque vero hoc oratione solum, sed multo magis vita, et factis, et moribus comprobavit. Quod quam magnum sit, fictæ veterum fabulæ declarant : in quibus tam multis, tamque variis, ab ultima antiquitate repetitis, tria vix amicorum paria reperiuntur, ut ad Orestem pervenias, profectus a Theseo. At vero Epicurus una in domo, et ea quidem angusta, quam magnos, quantaque amoris conspiratione consentientes tenuit amicorum greges? quod fit etiam nunc ab Epicureis."

This representation is confirmed by the statement of Laertius, somewhat hyperbolical, that whole cities could not have contained the multitude of his friends. We also find that he improved upon the Pythagorean community of goods. Every individual continued master of his own property and patrimony: but a system of mutual kindness and assistance was recommended in principle, and so carried into effect in practice, as to have produced that state of society and friendship so eloquently described by Cicero. We have concurrent

testimony to prove, that the moral practice of the sect, touching this class of duties, did not degenerate for some ages; and that its disciples enjoyed profound peace among themselves, while others were torn to pieces by party quarrels.* They are distinctly traced down to the second century, and from the union which then subsisted between them, it seems probable that they continued a compact and mutually well affected body for some time longer.

The testimony of Cicero, in the second book, chap. 25., is still stronger to the correctness of Epicurus's personal conduct:

"Ratio ista, quam defendis; præcepta, quæ didicisti, quæ probas; funditus evertunt amicitiam : quamvis eam Epicurus, ut facit, in cœlum efferat laudibus. At coluit ipse amicitias. Quasi quis illum neget et bonum virum, et comem, et humanum fuisse. De ingenio ejus in his disputationibus, non de moribus quæritur. . . . . Ac mihi quidem, quod et ipse bonus vir fuit, et multi Epicurei fuerunt, et hodie sunt et in amicitiis fideles, et in omni vita constantes, et graves, nec voluptate, sed officio consilia moderantes, hoc videtur major vis honestatis, et minor voluptatis. Ita enim vivunt quidam, ut eorum vita refellatur oratio. Atque ut cæteri existimantur dicere melius, quam facere: sic hi mihi videntur facere melius, quam dicere."

Here is a distinct declaration, that the principles of the sect had not led to those practical evils, which the dangerous tendency, and in some re

*"Ea quæ Epicuro placuerunt, ut quasdam Solonis aut Lycurgi leges ab Epicureis omnibus servari."-Themistius apud Gassendum, de Vita et Moribus Epicuri.

spects the absurdity of the theory would seem naturally to have involved..

To this Seneca also bears testimony. Now he was a leader of the Stoics; and consequently inclined to censure Epicurus on grounds in the least degree plausible. In Epist 21. he thus speaks of the frugal fare in the garden of Epicurus :

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"Eo libentius Epicuri egregia dicta commemoro, ut istis, qui ad illa confugient, spe mala inducti, qui velamentum seipsos suorum vitiorum habituros existimant, probem, quocumque ierint, honeste esse vivendum. Cum adierint hos hortulos, et inscriptum hortulis, Hospes hic bene manebis, hic summum bonum voluptas est: paratus erit istius domicilii custos, hospitalis, humanus, et te polenta excipiet, et aquam quoque large ministrabit. Et dicet: Ecquid bene acceptus es? Non irritant, inquam, hi hortuli famem, sed extinguunt: nec majorem ipsis potionibus sitim faciunt, sed naturali et gratuito remedio sedant."

Seneca here confesses, that the best cheer Epicurus gave his guests was bread and water. The following lines of Juvenal confirm this:

In quantum sitis atque fames et frigora poscunt:
Quantum, Epicure, tibi parvis suffecit in hortis:
Quantum Socratici ceperunt ante Penates.

Sat. 14.

We have the evidence of Laertius, that chastity was enforced, not only by precepts from the professor's chair, but by personal example. This his antagonist, Chrysippus, imputed to insensibility, "Scribit as we are informed in Vita Epicuri: Stobæus quempiam fuisse qui et non iri captum

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