their parent's conduct and commands be liable to just exception.

III. We are expressly required to pay tribute and custom, for the support of government. Our Lord taught the Jews to " render to Cesar the things which

were Cesar's," as well as "to God the things which "were God's:" though Judea became subject to the Roman emperors by conquest, which is perhaps the worst of all titles to authority. The apostle gave the same instruction to christians, though many iniquitous and oppressive taxes were imposed by the emperors and their deputies, which were collected with most grievous extortion, to the enriching of a few individu. als beyond modern conception, and to the impoverishing of millions. But no exception was made on that account: for christians ought very little to regard such matters; they should be satisfied with their better portion even under persecution; and be very thankful for religious liberty, though hardly dealt with in other things. As government cannot be supported without great expence, and as it produces such immense advantages to us; so the payment of taxes is as necessary to strict probity, as the discharge of other debts; nor can it consist with a good conscience, in any way or degree, to defraud the revenue, or to share in the plunder of those who do. All evasion in this matter involves in it much prevarication and disingenuousness: some kinds of it countenance a set of men whose principles and conduct are inimical in the extreme to

Rom. xiii. 6, 7.

CHAPTER III.

DUTIES INCUMBENT ON US TO OUR RULEKS, AND IN RESPECT OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT.

I. MINISTERS are charged "to put" the people in "mind to be subject to principalities and powers, and "to obey magistrates; "* not only "for wrath," or the dread of punishment from man, "but also for con"science' sake;" and "to submit to every ordinance "of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the

king as supreme, or to governors as sent by him;"for so is the will of God." These precepts evidently require obedience in all things consistent with a good conscience: and the supposition, that they only enjoin subjection to equitable laws, absurdly implies that every person is a competent and constituted judge of the equity and reasonableness of all the laws of his country, and may determine for himself whether they are obligatory upon him or not! Now self-love alone will influence most men to complain of those laws, as unjust and grievous, which interfere with their eager pursuit of wealth, distinction, or indulgence: so that

* Tit. iii. 1. † Rom. xiii. 5.

1 Pet. ii. 13-17.

this one position, if universally reduced to practice, would subvert all government, and annihilate every exercise of coercive authority. What parent or master could rule his own household, if his children and servants might determine without appeal which of his commands were reasonable and obligatory, and which were not? This would not only destroy all subordination, but would render society like an inverted pyramid; constituting all the inferior relations, law-givers, and judges over their superiors, who must previously enquire of every individual what commands he would choose to obey!

Indeed this political notion admirably accords with the religious principles of such persons as exalt their own reasonings above divine revelation, make their scanty comprehension the measure of the mysteries of the Godhead, and their weakness the standard of his omnipotence: who attempt to improve the word of God by their vain conjectures, and presumptuously sit in judgment on his laws, decrees, and dispensations; as if He were accountable to them, not they to Him. But all, who reverence the word and the authority of the Lord, may surely perceive the fallacy of such a mode of reasoning, as tends to invert the divinely constituted order of things, throughout the whole creation.

The government, rulers, and laws, which subsisted when these precepts were given; the hardships to which the primitive christians were exposed from them; and their meek, submissive conduct combine in demonstrating that such vague limitations were never intended. But if obedience be required even to corrupt magistrates and oppressive laws, in the general course VOL. III. 3S

of things; and if disobedience in such circumstances imply rebellion against the command and providence of God; no doubt they must be still more criminal who disobey such rulers as are, upon the whole, equitable and gentle, and such a system of laws as is salutary and beneficial because they are not perfectly impar tial or unexceptionable.

II. We are required to submit to the providence of God, as to the form of government established over us, while it actually subsists. It has been shewn that we may, according to the duty of our stations, concur in peaceably introducing salutary alterations; and it may be added that when changes have taken place, whether they accord with our sentiments or not, we ought to yield obedience to those advanced to authority, as far as other obligations will admit of it. But it cannot consist with submission to the providence of God, to attempt the illegal and violent subversion of any existing government: in thus "resisting the pow

er, we resist the ordinance of God." It is true that in mixed governments (such as ours is) one part of the constitutional legislature may legally resist the encroachments of the other: thus christians, in the capacity of senators, may regularly oppose those measures of the executive power which they deem injurious to the community. Nay, in some circumstances one part of the legislature may be engaged in hostilities against the other: in this case, "unresisting submission "to the powers that be" does not require us to abet the injustice, tyranny, or violence of any branch of the government: nor does it at all decide to which of them our subjection is due. A peaceable neutrality is most

advisable in such circumstances, if it can be maintained; or even the office of peace-maker if a man have sufficient influence, but if it be indisputably manifest on which side truth and justice lie; if a man be constrained to shew which party he favours; or if he deem himself bound in conscience to take an active part, from love to his country and to mankind: he will find it requisite to watch his own heart very carefully, to repress every selfish and malignant passion, and to follow after and inculcate moderation, lenity, and forgiveness of injuries. But even this extreme case differs widely from a violent, officious, and factious opposition, in toto, against an united subsisting government; which must always involve rebellion against the providence and command of God.

When Israel rejected the Lord in rejecting Samuel, their sin did not consist in prefering monarchy to the authority of judges, but in want of submission to the will of God, from a vain desire of being like the nations of the earth. They despised their peculiar blessings, deemed their trivial grievances intolerable, and fancied that a change of government would vastly add to their felicity. And had the nation, after the advancement of David's family to the throne, insisted in the same manner on a republican government, because some nations prospered under that form; their rebellion against God would have been the same, their caprice, discontent, and ingratitude would have merited similar rebukes; and perhaps they would have obtained their choice as their punishment.

In general, it is our duty to submit quietly to the existing government, so long as it subsists entire, and is able to protect us: but in civil contests this general