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A NEW INSCRIPTION FROM THE FAYYÛM.

THE

HE following piece of good fortune has occurred to me. My friend, Mr. Wilbour, who spends his winters in Egypt, sent me recently the squeeze and copy of an inscription on a black stone which he bought at Dimêh, in the Fayyûm, on April 26th, 1895.

The right side being broken off, he asked me to do what I could in the way of restoration. As we had far the larger part of the text, this was to some extent feasible. But some of the lines could not be filled up with any certainty. I communicated these facts to Prof. Wilcken of Breslau, who, in reply, sent me a copy from a squeeze of a very mutilated text sent him by Dr. Krebs, which appeared to be of a like date, and possibly on the same subject. Prof. Wilcken conjectured that the two inscriptions might possibly fit together. The first glance I got at the copy he sent me showed that he had made a good guess. We had evidently come upon two parts of the

same stone.

On communicating with Dr. Krebs, who most kindly put all his information at my disposal, I was informed that the second part of the stone (B) is only known through a squeeze which the late H. Brugsch left, among other bequests, to the University Library at Göttingen. He had given no indication whatever of the place where he had seen the stone, or of the circumstances under which he took the squeeze. So it has happened, that copies of the two fragments, one from Göttingen, the other from Paris,

have been brought together in Dublin. The lesser piece (B) must have been found and copied by Brugsch some years ago. Quite apart from the main fracture, it seems to be in a far worse condition than (A).

I now give the combined text, repeating that the left portion (A) is Mr. Wilbour's, the right (B) comes from Dr. Krebs. In no case are more than two letters lost in the fracture, so that there is no doubt possible as regards the readings at that point, save in line 7. The endings are in some cases lost, and seem to be irregular in length, so that here there is still room for some conjecture. The first, fourth, fifth, and last lines are somewhat larger and wider spaced in the graving.

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θεας ευεργετιδος κ[αι] βασιλεως Πτολεμαιο[υ
του και Αλεξανδρου θεου Φιλομήτορος
Ι]σιδι Σονοναει θε[αι] μεγιστη και

Αρποχρατης και Πρεμα [ρ]ρει θεοις ευχαρίστοις
Διονυσιος Δημητριου κ[α]ι θασ[η]ς Φιλων[ος η γυνη
και τα τεκνα την εις τ[η]ν απο του δρομου
Πρεμαρρείους αγουσαν | ευθειαν οδον επ[ι
τον ναβλα και τας γεφυρίας προς ευχέρειαν
ωδοποιημένην εις αμφοτ[ε]ρα τα ιερα την τε
δαπανην και τον βωμον

Lιγ το και ι επειφ | κι

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The date is from the joint reign of Kleopatra III., widow of Euergetes II., and her second son, Ptolemy Alexander, whence the double number, year 13, which is also (usually του και, but τo is quite plain) 10, 25th of Epeiph. It corresponds nearly to 104 B.C. There are instances of this dating both in demotic contracts and in Greek papyri recently acquired by Mr. Grenfell. Though

Wilcken had guessed from demotic documents that this queen was called EvepyEric, and that the space required to fill up 1. 2 would require it, this is, I believe, the first actual occurrence of it. So also, Alexander is not often called Poμntwo, though this title was apparently adopted from that of his brother (Lathyrus), who is called Piλoμητωρ Σωτηρ.

The letters after lod in 1. 4 are quite clear, but the sense I cannot supply. Zovovat, if correct, must be a new epithet of Isis.

Aprоxparns (the x is not perfectly clear in the squeeze) Αρποχρατης is, of course, Harpokrates, a god not occurring elsewhere in the early Fayyûm papyri, and here coupled with a new god Premarres in one shrine. Wilcken notes that this latter suggests the deified Amenemhat III., whose 'thronename' was Marres, or Manres.

At all events, the name had already occurred in the Petrie Papyri (II., p. [141], l. 65), where the palm grove of the altar of Premanres, at Apollonias (in the Fayyûm) is mentioned. In 1. 6 the name of Dionysius' wife, daughter of Philon, as I read it, seems to be, according to Dr. Krebs, Oaons, a common name in the Fayyûm.' The title ευχα QOTO, applied to these gods, is paralleled by the title σwτηρεs, also applied to Sarapis and Isis, on the gold plaque found in 1886 at Alexandria.

The construction of the remainder is anything but clear. The common verb which governs dañavny and βωμον, and which would be in full τὴν δαπανὴν ἐχορήγησε Kai Tòv ẞwμòv idpúσaro, is omitted; but that is quite usual. It is also certain the expense was caused by the building of a road, made, I suppose, πрos εvxn[v (or εuxε[pɛlav?), to both the shrines (of Isis and of the other two gods). EUXεow is used in Pap. B. M. cccci. (of almost the same

Cf. Petrie Papyri, II., p. [93], 1. 17.

date) for easily, of a journey. But when we strive to translate the sentence, there are great difficulties. First, there is a Spóuos, or high-way leading up to a temple. If (according to the copy I have received) there is really nothing after Spoμov in 1. 7, then Пpɛμappεlove seems to be the genitive (for Πρεμαρρεους), and it is the δρομος leading to the altar or shrine of this god. But there remain two articles την εις τ[η]ν (τον or των seems impossible), pointing to two other roads. Which of them agrees with the straight road of 1. 8? For one odov seems to be omitted, or also the first rŋv is a mistake. At the end of 1. 8 should it be [only? If so, we may translate either up to or over the nabla and the bridges.' The word vaßla is well known as the name of an Egyptian lute or banjo; in the present connexion it must have meant something quite different. The endings of both 9 and 10 are doubtful. In 10 there would seem to be more room than for tŋv : indeed, the copy before me gives yɛ”, but tɛ and TMŋ might easily be confused.

I give a tentative translation, following the clues indicated in my notes:

'On behalf of Queen Kleopatra, the beneficent goddess, and King Ptolemy, also called Alexander, the god Philometer.

To Isis Sononais, the very great goddess, and to Harpokrates and Premarres, favouring deities.

'Dionysius, son of Demetrius, and Thases, daughter of Philon, his wife, and his children [dedicate] the straight road [i.e. short cut] leading into that from the dromos of the temple of Premarres, engineered for convenience sake [or for a vow] over the nabla and the bridges, to approach both the shrines; [having undertaken] the expense, and [set up] this altar.

'Year 13, which is also 10, Epeiph the 23rd.'

If I may venture to add more conjectures, the general sense seems to correspond with the existence of two

separate temples, each approached from the neighbouring town by a road; these roads were separated, as was the case all over the highly-irrigated Fayyûm, by watercourses, so that they who would pass from the shrine of Premarres to that of Isis had to go into the town (probably of Dimêh), and then out again by the second road. Dionysius seems to have made a cross-road over the inundated fields and their water-courses, so as to join the two main roads. We have only the picture of a banjo or guitar to guide us to the probably metaphorical use of nabla, either for slightly radiating water-courses, like the strings of the instrument, or a viaduct for foot-passengers, sustained with stretched ropes, such as are mentioned in Pet. Pap. II., pp. 14, 34.

J. P. MAHAFFY.

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