great deal on that science. He has also been for some time engaged upon a biographical work of some extent, but only including the eminent men of Ireland.

GEORGE B. WHEELER, A.M., was a pensioner here, and obtained a foundation scholarship in 1832. The principal work he has published is—

Pindarus Carmina ex recens, et cum notis Heynii, Boekhii, Dissenii et Walker, adnotavit systematis metricis variisque subsidiis instruxit, G. B. Wheeler, A.B., &c.

CONCLUSION.

The author now finds by a note from the publisher, that as this work is to be published before the 31st instant, he must close, however reluctantly, these biographical notices, as a matter of absolute necessity. He is therefore obliged to leave unnoticed many eminent persons, who have either graduated, or been at least matriculated in this University, and therefore have been more or less connected with it in an educational sense; it will, therefore, only be possible to give merely the names of those gentlemen, viz:- Vice-Admiral Sir Robert Stopford; Lieut.-Col. Blacker; Rev. Cesar Otway; Rear-Admirals Sir Josias Rowley and C. R. Mangin; Rev. W. Archer Butler; Sir Henry Marsh, Bart.; Robert James Graves, M.D.; Edward Litton, LL.D.; George A. Grierson, LL.D.; Rev. James Wilson, D.D.; Lieut.-Col. Chesney, R.E.; H. B. Addison, Esq., A.B.; Professor Whitley Stokes, M.D.; T. Wyse, M.P.; R. Sheil, M.P.; Professor Thomas Taylor, M.D.; the late Chief Justice Lord Downes; the present distinguished officer Lieut.-Gen. Lord Downes; Sir Harding Gifford, Bart., (the late) Chief Justice of Ceylon; Lord Chief Justices Right Hon. E. Penefather and Dogherty; Judge Crampton; Judges Right Hons. Perrin, Blackburne, R. Moore, R. Torrens, Day, Burrowes, Jebb, Ball, Jackson; Lord Chief Barons the Right Hon. Maziere, Brady,

Richards, and Lefroy. In the other Courts, Joseph Radcliffe, LL.D.; Joseph Stock, LL.D.; Right Hon. R. Keatinge, LL.D.; Right Hon. T. B. C. Smith, M.P., Attorney-General; R. W. Green, Solicitor-General; the late Sir M. O'Loughlin, Bart., &c., &c. We now must give over, or a much greater list of names connected with this University could be added, who have done the State and the British Empire "some service," in public and in private life, whether known and acknowledged or not; and though very many of the gifted men whose names are here recorded, have been removed to that region "where the wicked cease from troubling, and the weary are at rest," yet they have left successors worthy of them, and upon whom their mantles have fallen. The sound principles of religion, law, and order, of human science and of humanity taught by them, have brought forth fruit in abundance, which constantly increases, and only requires the same prudent and equitable management under which such immense good has been achieved for the general benefit of the British empire-to produce still greater, and more numerous advantages, in accordance with that important object; for the Irish as a people, we speak of the whole nation, are remarkably and constitutionally fond of learning, as we are now treating that term: with those who do really study the character of that race, it is an historical truism. They have a peculiar zest, an eagerness for acquiring knowledge, and feel a rational pride in the possession of mental enlightenment. Here, then, we have the first principle of civilization, an ardent and sincere love to acquire new, useful, and beautiful ideas in abundance, and to make them practically beneficial to society. Very well. But how has it happened that this aptitude for, and strong desire towards learning, should not have produced a population much farther advanced in civilization than the great mass of the Irish people appear to be? Why from two simple but very efficient causes, namely, Romanism, and a bad system of government. The first is their misfortune, not their fault; for the English government could have brought the whole of the

small population in Ireland, at the time of the Reformation, over to the Reformed Church; but they did not choose to take that rational step; it served political purposes to let them remain as they were: this, no doubt, displayed the "wisdom of the serpent.' Then, as to the habitual bad system of government, it is artfully defended on the assumed ground, that Ireland, i. e. that nation is "a perfect anomaly in politics." This is partly true, but "the cause" of this is, that the English government in that country is a much greater anomaly. In fact, we defy any one to understand it, except the official gentlemen who give the orders, counter orders, and continual contradictions which are thus manufactured, and by which that unhappy land is tortured, and kept below its proper standard of civilization. The truth, therefore, simply is this, that if the English government in Ireland were not an excessive anomaly, Ireland would not be anomalous in the slightest degree; it is merely cause and effect. But neither the people of England, nor its sovereigns, are parties to this state of things. Delusions are, perhaps we ought to say have been, practised on both, as we have already shown, to an enormous extent, and these deceptions have prevented the fine sympathies of the Monarchs, and of the great body of the British people, from interfering and putting a period to this anomalous state of things, as one unworthy of British statesmen, and of the British people. It is a great misfortune to the British nation, that the Irish people should have been for centuries so grossly libelled, and

a The terms, "Irish people," or "Irish nation," are collectively used here, because the Protestants and Dissenters, equally with the Romanists, are all included in that opprobrious term, "anomalous," applied demi-officially to Ireland's entire population.

The author was in the House of Lords one night, more than twenty years ago, when a member of that house said, in speaking on some Irish bill, that "Ireland could only be governed by the bayonet." Yet this gross calumny flung upon a whole nation, containing nearly 8,000,000 of people; this language, equally remote from truth, good taste, and the dictates of humanity; did not excite much surprise among their Lordships, so prejudiced did they seem against the character of that ill governed country. Is such a person as that calumniator fit to legislate for Ireland, or to advise a British Sovereign?

of course, misunderstood by the people of England; for had not such artifices been employed, no two nations would have worked and harmonized better together, and they would long ere this time have been truly united by mutual interest and mutual esteem, because each people possesses fine moral and intellectual qualities, and if left to the mere guidance of their own good sense, would not, and indeed, could not, look upon each other with any feelings but those of cordiality, respect, and good fellowship. For in truth, the Irish people are very like the rest of mankind; and if justice were impartially administered among them, party feeling nipped in the bud, instead of being nurtured and promoted as it hitherto has been, and absenteeism discouraged, Ireland would be as easily governed as any part of England or Scotland. Complete and entire civilization would then very soon develope the genuine character of that people, disencumbered of the loads of slander by which it is overlaid, and the English government would no longer be disgraced in the eyes of Europe by its harsh, unsteady, and unjust conduct towards that country.

it

To assist in bringing about a consummation like this, is the bounden duty of every loyal subject of the realm; but to do so effectually, we must begin by probing this political ulcer deeply, to show its malignant condition: the truth must be told, however unpalatable may be to those concerned, and then, but not before, a proper remedy may be applied. It is merely this feeling of duty which actuates the author on the present occasion; he has not any party feeling, or personal interest in the matter, being quite as independent of the people of Ireland, and of its University, as he is of the Treasury at Whitehall, or as they are of him; his purpose is to enlighten the people of England, as to the real state of the Irish question, and in doing so, it may be that some of the terms used may sound harshly, but to those who are rightly cognizant of the facts, it will be evident that he has written very leniently. To offend wantonly he could not; to do so inadvertently would cause him great regret. But in such

important cases as this, the truth must not be postponed to suit any one's convenience; more especially must this be the case, when an author approaches the border of that unfathomable ravine which no traveller recrosses, and must, therefore, expect soon to render up an account of his stewardship.

With regard to the changes in this University, said to be contemplated by the present government, reports are, as usual, contradictory, and even alarming to the lovers of peace, of law, and order; as if another Fronde was to be let off in Ireland, now that the old

one, the Burletta of " Repeal" approaches its last act. It is extensively hoped that such will not be the case; we should expect much better things from the Premier, who being himself highly educated, must feel a degree of delicacy, if not of repugnance, to make any radical changes in the constitution of an University which has done its duty so nobly, to the advancement of learning and loyalty; and these changes too, merely, as it would seem, to please a few agitators, who cannot at present find any other employment, and may get some jobs by a confusion of this sort. That unflinching loyalty, for which this University has ever been remarkable, would be a strong reason pour ces Messieurs Frondeurs to strike it a malicious blow under the arm of the Premier. These innovators must be closely watched, and their garbled statements met by honest counterstatements prepared for parliament, and for the people of England; for all proper means must be adopted to prevent this splendid seat of learning from being impaired in its character, and its usefulness diminished

aThis eminent statesman has advanced the interest of the arts of painting and sculpture in their highest classes, (History and Poetry,) more in two years, 1842-43, than they had been promoted for the two previous centuries, except by King George III. Should the same respected personage put down completely the agitations in Ireland, alike disgraceful to that country and to British statesmanship, he will confer blessings upon, and be blessed by millions living, and others yet unborn; and will, by a grateful posterity, be justly placed in the first rank of those British statesmen and lawgivers, who have ever promoted the honour, happiness, and true glory of this great empire.