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XLIX.

1806.

CHAP. descried. The natives say that the Company has always conquered because it was "always young ;" and such in truth has ever been its character. In no other state of society but that in which a large mixture of the democratic element has spread vigour and the spirit of exertion through every rank, is to be found, for so considerable a period, so large a share of the undecaying youth of the human race.

106.

It was ow

ing to the

mocratic

foresight.

But this element has usually been found in human affairs to be inconsistent with durable greatness. It has union of de- either burned with such fierceness as to consume in a few energy with years the vitals of the state, or dwindled into a selfish or aristocratic short-sighted passion for economy, to gratify the jealousy of the middle classes of society, fatal in the end to its independence. In moments of general excitement, and when danger was obvious to the senses, democratic societies have often been capable of the most extraordinary exertion; it is in previous preparation, sagacious foresight; and the power of present self-denial for future good, that they have invariably, in the long run, proved deficient. That England, in its European administration, has experienced, throughout the contest with revolutionary France, its full share both of the strength and weakness incident to democratic societies, is evident from the consideration, that if the unforeseeing economy of the Commons had not, during the preceding peace, when danger was remote, reduced the national strength to a pitiable degree of weakness, Paris could with ease have been taken in the first campaign; and that if the inherent energy of democratic vigour, when danger was present, had not supported the country during its later stages, the independence of Britain and the last remnant of European freedom, notwithstanding all the efforts of the aristocracy, must have sunk beneath the arms of Napoleon. No one can doubt, that if a popular House of Commons or unbridled press had existed at Calcutta and Madras, to coerce or restrain the Indian government in its

XLIX.

1806.

political energy or military establishment, as was the CHAP. case in the British Isles, the British empire in the East must have been speedily prostrated. And it is equally clear that, if its able councils and gallant armies had not been supported by popular vigour at home, even the energy of Lord Wellesley and the daring of Lord Lake must alike have sunk before the strength of the Asiatic dynasties.

107.

this extra

combina

The Eastern empire of England, however, has exhibited no such vicissitudes. It has never felt the want Causes of either of aristocratic foresight in preparation, or of ordinary democratic vigour in execution; it has ever been distin- tion. guished alike by the resolution in council and tenacity of purpose which characterise patrician, and the energy in action and inexhaustible resources which are produced in plebeian governments. This extraordinary combination, peculiar, in the whole history of the species, to the British empire in Asia and the Roman in Europe, is evidently owing to the causes which in both, during a brief period, rendered aristocratic direction of affairs coexistent with democratic execution of its purposes; a state of things so unusual, and threatened by so many dangers-an equilibrium so unstable, that its continuance, even for the brief time it endured in both, is perhaps to be ascribed only to special divine interposition. And it is evident, that if the same combination had existed, in uncontrolled operation, in the government at home; if the unconquerable popular energy of England had been permanently directed by foresight and resolution equal to that which was displayed in the East; if no popular jealousy or impatience had existed, to extinguish, on the termination of war, the force which had gained its triumphs-if the fleets and armies of Blake and Marlborough, Nelson and Wellington, had been suffered to remain at the disposal of a vigilant executive, to perpetuate the ascendancy they had acquired; if the two hundred ships of the line, and three hundred thousand warriors, once

VOL. VIII.

H

XLIX.

1806.

CHAP. descried. The natives say that the Company has alwɛ conquered because it was "always young ;" and such truth has ever been its character. In no other state society but that in which a large mixture of the de cratic element has spread vigour and the spirit of exer through every rank, is to be found, for so consideral period, so large a share of the undecaying youth o

106.

It was ow

ing to the

mocratic

foresight.

human race.

But this element has usually been found in h affairs to be inconsistent with durable greatness. on of de- either burned with such fierceness as to consume in energy with years the vitals of the state, or dwindled into a sel aristocratic short-sighted passion for economy, to gratify the jo of the middle classes of society, fatal in the end independence. In moments of general exciteme when danger was obvious to the senses, democrati ties have often been capable of the most extra exertion; it is in previous preparation, sagacious f and the power of present self-denial for future g they have invariably, in the long run, proved That England, in its European administrat experienced, throughout the contest with reve France, its full share both of the strength and incident to democratic societies, is evident from sideration, that if the unforeseeing economy of mons had not, during the preceding peace, wh was remote, reduced the national strength to degree of weakness, Paris could with ease have in the first campaign; and that if the inher of democratic vigour, when danger was prese supported the country during its later stages pendence of Britain and the last remnant o freedom, notwithstanding all the efforts of the must have sunk beneath the arms of Napole can doubt, that if a popular House of ( unbridled press had existed at Calcutta: to coerce or restrain the Indian govern

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XLIX.

1806.

CHAP. belonging to England, had been permanently directed by the energetic foresight of a Chatham, a Burke, or a Wellesley, to external purposes, the British European empire, in modern, must have proved as irresistible as the Roman did in ancient times, and the emulation of independent states been extinguished in the slumber of universal dominion.

108

which will

subvert our

empire.

But no such gigantic empire was intended by ProviCauses dence to lull the ardent spirit of Europe, till it had eventually performed its destined work of spreading the seeds of Eastern civilisation and religion through the globe. To Great Britain, a durable colonial ascendancy is given; but it will be found, not among the sable inhabitants of Hindostan, but among the free descendants of the Anglo-Saxon race in the American and Australian wilds. The extraordinary combination of circumstances which gave us the empire of the East, could not remain permanent: aristocratic constancy and democratic vigour can coexist only for a brief space, even in the most favoured nation. Already the great organic change of 1832, and the extension of the direct influence of British popular power upon Eastern administration, have gone far to shake the splendid fabric. When the time arrives, as arrive it will, that adverse interests, ignorant philanthropy, or prejudiced feeling, in the dominant island, shall interfere with vested rights, violate existing engagements, or force on premature religious changes, in the East, as they have already done in the West Indies, the discontent of the inhabitants will break out into inextinguishable revolt. When, to gratify the jealousy of popular ascendancy, the military and naval strength of the state is prostrated in the Asiatic, as it has already been in the European world, the last hour of our Indian empire has struck. Distant provinces may be long ruled by a wise, vigorous, and paternal central government; but they cannot remain for any considerable time under the sway of a remote and self-interested democratic society. The interests of the masses are, in

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